Book Description
The definitive history of the epic struggle for economic justice that became Martin Luther King Jr.'s last crusade.
Memphis in 1968 was ruled by a paternalistic "plantation mentality" embodied in its good-old-boy mayor, Henry Loeb. Wretched conditions, abusive white supervisors, poor education, and low wages locked most black workers into poverty. Then two sanitation workers were chewed up like garbage in the back of a faulty truck, igniting a public employee strike that brought to a boil long-simmering issues of racial injustice.
With novelistic drama and rich scholarly detail, Michael Honey brings to life the magnetic characters who clashed on the Memphis battlefield: stalwart black workers; fiery black ministers; volatile, young, black-power advocates; idealistic organizers and tough-talking unionists; the first black members of the Memphis city council; the white upper crust who sought to prevent change or conflagration; and, finally, the magisterial Martin Luther King Jr., undertaking a Poor People's Campaign at the crossroads of his life, vilified as a subversive, hounded by the FBI, and seeing in the working poor of Memphis his hopes for a better America. 16 pages of illustrations.
Customer Reviews:
Recalling memories.......2007-07-13
As one who lived through the history recalled in this book,I found it excellent.It is great to read a book in which you personally knew all the people written about and recall all the events.Michael Honey has done an excelllent job.I highly recommend this book to all students of the civil rights movement and Martin Luther King jr. Especially I recommend it to all residents of Memphis and Tennessee.May we never allow this history to repeat itself
A Measure of the Men.......2007-01-06
This might be the finest book written on Martin Luther King: it certainly is the best one that I have read about him. Honey is a splendid writer, with a style that I find more accessible than Taylor Branch's. No doubt that Branch has written the seminal history of King and his times, but his writing can become tedious due to too much detail and meandering sentences.
Honey is an award-winning historian who has written two previous excellent books that demonstrate his skill as an oral historian. The outstanding feature of this book is the numerous interviews he conducted with important figures, which keep the book always absorbing.
King receives much attention, but Honey shows that the Memphis strike was led by local workers and union officials who were fighting to escape the living hell of dangerous working conditions (the strike grew out of the deaths of two sanitation workers who were mangled in a malfunctioning garbage truck when they sought shelter from a rainstorm).
In addition to the stories about the local workers and organizers, King is portrayed as an important influence who was struggling with internal fighting among black civil rights groups, includng the NAACP, the Urban League, SCLC, and SNCC, the FBI, Lyndon Johnson, who was angered by King's anti-war proclamations, and most whites who thought King was moving too fast. Any reader who questions King's leadership and selflessness, needs to read this book to have those views dispelled.
Ultimately, the Memphis strike paved the way for labor improvements throughout the South.
This superb book should be considered for all major book prizes. For King scholars, it is essential and for all other informed readers, it is an excellent narrative of King and his times.
Book Description
Once a fundamental civic right, strikes are now constrained and contested. In an unusual and thought-provoking history, Josiah Bartlett Lambert shows how the ability to strike was transformed from a fundamental right that made the citizenship of working people possible into a conditional and commercialized function. Arguing that the executive branch, rather than the judicial branch, was initially responsible for the shift in attitudes about the necessity for strikes and that the rise of liberalism has contributed to the erosion of strikers' rights, Lambert analyzes this transformation in relation to American political thought. His narrative begins before the Civil War and takes the reader through the permanent striker replacement issue and the alienation of workplace-based collective action from community-based collective action during the 1960s.
"If the Workers Took a Notion" maps the connections among American political development, labor politics, and citizenship to support the claim that the right to strike ought to be a citizenship right and once was regarded as such. Lambert argues throughout that the right to strike must be protected. He challenges the current "law turn" in labor scholarship and takes into account the role of party alliances, administrative agencies, the military, and the rise of modern presidential powers.
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The Week the World Heard Gallaudet
Jack R. Gannon
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Deaf President Now! The 1988 Revolution at Gallaudet University
ASIN: 0930323548 |
Book Description
The civil rights movement was first and foremost a struggle for racial equality, but questions of gender lay deeply embedded within this struggle. Steve Estes explores key groups, leaders, and events in the movement to understand how activists used race and manhood to articulate their visions of what American society should be.
Estes demonstrates that, at crucial turning points in the movement, both segregationists and civil rights activists harnessed masculinist rhetoric, tapping into implicit assumptions about race, gender, and sexuality. Estes begins with an analysis of the role of black men in World War II and then examines the segregationists, who demonized black male sexuality and galvanized white men behind the ideal of southern honor. Later, he explores the militant new models of manhood espoused by civil rights activists and groups such as Malcolm X, the Nation of Islam, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Black Panther Party.
Reliance on masculinist organizing strategies had both positive and negative consequences, Estes concludes. Tracing these strategies from the integration of the U.S. military in the 1940s through the Million Man March in the 1990s, he shows that masculinism rallied men to action but left unchallenged many of the patriarchal assumptions that underlay American society.
Customer Reviews:
Black masculinity is a political force.......2005-09-09
Borrowing from a research model pioneered by feminist scholars,
Steve Estes examines the history of African American men in a racialized-gendered context to argue that black men's masculinity was at stake throughout these struggles.
The assistant professor of history at Sonoma State College produces an interesting and readable account of state politics. Examining the politics of representing black men's bodies, he argues that appearance can and does effectively influence civil rights.
From the days of slavery to the civil rights movement, black men being too assertive in the public sphere was a breach of the 'social order' established by racist white society.
Even people who were allegedly on their side (white abolitionists) depicted black men as 'begging' for their freedom, inferring dependence and weakness--decidedly 'unmasculine' traits.
Alternately, black men's sexuality was portrayed as a threat to the established order. A black man who had any degree of contact with a white woman in any context risked being perceived as the 'rapist' an ultra-masculine stereotype. Ironically, the white individuals and their organized hate groups claimed to only be protecting white women with the subsequent lynching being through `white masculinity's' obligation to `protect' the women of `our community'.
Because it was safer for black men during those times, they consequently adopted a position of subservience to the 'larger world'. Black women took an active lead in the earliest civil rights movements out of practicality.
Whether they had all of the theories our society now has access to, the Black Panthers also articulated a critique of black masculinity and political legitimacy. Sharply contrasting against the buffoonish 'Jim Crow' their ideal black man was an articulate, proactive, solider fighting on behalf of himself, his community, and his people.
Estes is passionate about his work and makes a generally convincing case for his thesis. I am curious that his manuscript did not include a more extensive examination of the Black Pather's articulated desire to build (then-unprecedented) alliances with homosexuals and women. There's some information about each group in this book, but nothing about this earliest coalition building attempt and nothing how that action had challenged heterosexism within the Black Panthers, or the after effects for black masculinity as a political force.
Customer Reviews:
Nothing about them without them.......2005-02-01
This book chronicles the events leading up to and the deaf president now revolution at Gallaudet University. As the world's only university for deaf and hard-of-hearing studentsm Gallaudet had revolutionary potential from inception.
When Dr. Jerry C. Lee announced that he was leaving the university, many students and faculty felt that this would be their year. Because the Gallaudet administration had consisted mainly of hearing people, these dissenters felt that they were being condescended to.
Not only was the sole hearing candidate Elizabeth Zinser picked, but critical snafus undercut her very brief administration. Then-board chair Jane Spilman allegedly said that 'deaf people are not able to function in a hearing world' ironically reinforcing the protestor cause. Zinser's academic training in rehabilitative sciences hinted at the 'medical model' of disability which many of the students found outmoded and problematic.
The students recieved national media attention, alumni (including the use of the alumni house as an organizing space) and Congressional support. He had initially given his own support to Zinser in an attempt to forge campus unity, but the other presidential candidate, I. King Jordan (then Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences) withdrew his support. Zinser subsequently announced her resignation. Jordan became Gallaudet's first deaf president.
The DPN is an inspiring saga for anybody (particularly college students attempting to create their own campus chage). The actions of Gallaudet students later inspired me to challenge patronizing assumptions being made about my own community.
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Analysis of the Interchurch World Movement Report on the steel strike (The Right wing individualist tradition in America)
Marshall Olds
Manufacturer: Arno Press
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ASIN: 040500432X |
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Australian Nursing Journal, published by Australian Nursing Federation on November 1, 2003. The length of the article is 328 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: ANF slams moves to ban nurses' right to strike.(NAT)
Publication:
Australian Nursing Journal (Refereed)
Date: November 1, 2003
Publisher: Australian Nursing Federation
Volume: 11
Issue: 5
Page: 5(1)
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
A compelling blend of legal and political history, this book chronicles the largest tenant rebellion in U.S. history. From its beginning in the rural villages of eastern New York in 1839 until its collapse in 1865, the Anti-Rent movement impelled the state's governors, legislators, judges, and journalists, as well as delegates to New York's bellwether constitutional convention of 1846, to wrestle with two difficult problems of social policy. One was how to put down violent tenant resistance to the enforcement of landlord property and contract rights. The second was how to abolish the archaic form of land tenure at the root of the rent strike.
Charles McCurdy considers the public debate on these questions from a fresh perspective. Instead of treating law and politics as dependent variables--as mirrors of social interests or accelerators of social change--he highlights the manifold ways in which law and politics shaped both the pattern of Anti-Rent violence and the drive for land reform. In the process, he provides a major reinterpretation of the ideas and institutions that diminished the promise of American democracy in the supposed "golden age" of American law and politics.
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At the River I Stand: Memphis, the 1968 Strike, and Martin Luther King (Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Civil Rights Movement, Vol 12)
Joan Turner Beifuss
Manufacturer: Carlson Pub
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Chronicles of a Curate
Fred Secombe
Manufacturer: Zondervan Publishing Company
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Chronicles of a Vicar
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Head Over Heels in the Dales
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ASIN: 0006280536 |
Book Description
This is an excellent value omnibus edition of the first three books in Fred Secombe's entertaining and nostalgic series. It is comprised of: How Green Was My Curate, A Curate for All Seasons and Goodbye Curate.
Customer Reviews:
The Curate/Vicar Series.......2001-01-18
Reading these books by Fred Secomb is like sitting with a favorite uncle and hearing his stories. He doesn't gloss over the sad and tragic aspects of life but always he finds the joy and beauty as well as humor. I can recommend these books for anyone looking for pleasant reading experience. They are such a relief from the gritty, edgy, nasty stuff that crops up in so many modern books. Instead, they celebrate the true, uplifting art found in the ordinary, everyday lives of plain folk -- people who are just getting by but doing so with such classy style. What a delight these books are!
Customer Reviews:
A forgotten gem.......2005-11-26
Curate Frank Wentworth is a thorough gentleman, but an impoverished one. He is well-liked in the quiet village of Carlingford, where he does important work in the poor district of the parish. But when the newly-appointed Rector Mr. Morgan arrives in Carlingford, he resents the extra duties the curate is performing without official sanction, and the two men get off to a bad start. Frank's three aunts also come to Carlingford, to decide whether they will confer a valuable family living on their nephew. He is eager to obtain the living because without it he can't afford to marry Lucy Wodehouse, the young woman he loves. Unfortunately, his autocratic Aunt Leonora objects to some of his religious views, and threatens to bestow the living on someone else unless he changes his ways. To complicate matters still more, a mysterious and disreputable stranger shows up in town, as does Frank's own disreputable brother Jack. Then the pretty niece of a local shopkeeper disappears, and the virtuous curate finds himself the target of allegation and scandal - and even Lucy begins to doubt his character.
Frank Wentworth, though likeable and good (as all heroes ought to be), is also wonderfully human, with an inclination to be impatient and irritable when provoked, and an excess of pride which contributes something to the scrape he finds himself in. There's quite a bit of wisdom offered up in The Perpetual Curate, along with plenty of humour, and a dollop of suspense. Memorable supporting characters add to the entertainment, including Frank's three aunts, his brother Jack, and the rector's wife, Mrs. Morgan-whose mid-life marriage to the Rector, after a ten years' engagement, forms a nice counterpoint to the relationship of Frank and Lucy.
It was a happy day for me when I first discovered this wonderful novel. It is likely to be enjoyed by fans of Jane Austen and Anthony Trollope, and deserves to be much more widely known than it has been.
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