Adam Smith's roles for government and contemporary U.S. government roles: is the welfare state crowding out government's basic functions?: An article from: Independent Review

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This digital document is an article from Independent Review, published by Thomson Gale on March 22, 2007. The length of the article is 5703 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

Citation Details
Title: Adam Smith's roles for government and contemporary U.S. government roles: is the welfare state crowding out government's basic functions?
Author: Jody W. Lipford
Publication: Independent Review (Magazine/Journal)
Date: March 22, 2007
Publisher: Thomson Gale
Volume: 11 Issue: 4 Page: 485(17)

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Disability Benefits: Factors Determining Application and Awards (Contemporary Studies in Economic and Financial Analysis)

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Disability Benefits: Factors Determining Application and Awards (Contemporary Studies in Economic and Financial Analysis)

Manufacturer: JAI Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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Disability | Specialties | Law | Subjects | Books
ASIN: 089232824X

The Economics of Welfare: A Contemporary Analysis

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The Economics of Welfare: A Contemporary Analysis
David Z. Rich
Manufacturer: Praeger Publishers
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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Building on his earlier Praeger work, Contemporary Economics, Rich here examines current and historical, theoretical and practical, notions of welfare economics. Through an in-depth discussion of the theories of Edgeworth, Pareto, and Slutsky, the author analyzes how the present approach to welfare economics developed and how it has failed in significant ways to alleviate the problems of poverty and unemployment. Rich then develops a new theory of welfare economics based on the concept of dynamic disequilibrium and designed to respond to present-day economic and social realities. Scholars and students of both economics and public policy will find Rich's work a significant contribution to contemporary debates on welfare policy directions. Divided into four parts, the volume begins by redefining the problem of welfare economics. In contrast to those who see the problem as simply the redistribution of income, Rich argues that the challenge today is to use our present economic system to absorb welfare recipients and make them productive members of the economy. He argues further that current approaches to the welfare situation are Keynesian and therefore relevant to a different era--that of the Great Depression. In subsequent chapters, Rich develops his theory of contemporary welfare economics, utilizing a welfare utility function and incorporating the components of government, industry, and labor. Designed to make the economy more efficient without the redistribution of income, Rich's proposals include making welfare payments contingent upon training and applying training to the needs of the business sector. Only by employing a theory more rooted in contemporary realities, Rich argues, can we ultimately remove the heavy burden of welfare so detrimental to large segments of society.

Management, Work and Welfare in Western Europe: A Historical and Contemporary Analysis

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Management, Work and Welfare in Western Europe: A Historical and Contemporary Analysis
Mick Carpenter , and Steve Jefferys
Manufacturer: Edward Elgar Publishing
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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Book Description

This book analyzes the relationship between management, work and welfare across Western Europe at the end of the twentieth century. In a unique study, the authors consider the political and economic connections between management practices, national industrial relations and welfare institutions.

The authors first consider the history of European work and welfare practices, and then focus on trends in the post-war period. They discover that growing similarities in European work and welfare practices represent a gradual shift away from the ethos of collective to individual responsibility. The authors find that the oil recessions of the 1970s, the resurgence of the political right, the collapse of communism and the European Union's response to global forces have destabilized the post-war welfare regime. They also conclude that these forces have led to a gradual, though not irreversible, shift towards the 'contract' model of citizenship which prevails in the United States.

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Policy makers in the developing world are grappling with new dilemmas created by openness to trade and capital flows. What role, if any, remains for the state in promoting industrialization? Does openness worsen inequality, and if so, what can be done about it? What is the best way to handle turbulence from the world economy, especially the fickleness of international capital flows?

In The New Global Economy and Developing Countries Dani Rodrik argues that successful integration into the world economy requires a complementary set of policies and institutions at home. Policy makers must reinforce their external strategy of liberalization with an internal strategy that gives the state substantial responsibility in building physical and human capital and mediating social conflicts.

Customer Reviews:

Lessons for Policy Makers.......2000-05-04

In this book, Danny Rodrik offers some valuable guidance for policy-makers. They should focus on the fundamentals of economic growth - investment, macro-economic stability, human resources and good governance - and not let international economic integration dominate their thinking. The potential benefits of openness will only be realised when "complementary policies and institutions are in place domestically".

An important result from his analysis is that a strong, participatory, democracy is good for growth. This is very much in line with Barro's "Determinants of Economic Growth" (1998).The resoning is that a country with a strong democracy will be better at resolving the social conflicts emerging from external economic shocks, and therefore benefit from greater macroeconomic stability. In order to increase the effectiveness of dealing with shocks, the channels to which non-elites can make themselves heard, and participate, in policy making needs to be improved. Otherwise dissatisfaction will lead to social unrest.To play the role of honest broker, the state needs to perceived as competent and free of corruption.

Two policy areas are identified as being central to achieving long-term growth and making openness work: A domestic investment strategy; the strengthening of domestic institutions of conflict management.

Many of his findings offer support for much of current policy thinking on development. The importance of political freedom, security of person, and the need for a reasonable degree of macroeconomic stability is widely recognised. Good governance has moved firmly up the list of priorities. Also, attempts are being made to try and increase the widespread "ownership" of reforms through e.g. the Comprehensive Development Framework of the World Bank.

However, there are several important areas where Rodrik's analysis requires further consideration:

· Developing countries, in devising a domestic investment strategy, are better advised to look at ways of reducing risk and improving their credibility in the eyes of domestic and foreign investors, rather than following Rodrik's suggestion to improve investment returns through e.g. investment subsidies. (see Moran (1998) "Foreign Direct Investment and Development").

· The strong link between good governance and openness is very important and needs greater attention. Red tape and corruption are strongly correlated. Trade restrictions nearly always introduce distortions, caused by "rent seeking" activities, and create vested interest groups.

· As he suggests, all countries are able to improve their "fundamentals". But it is also true that different regions are likely to benefit from integration - in terms of both growth and poverty reduction - to very different extents.

· Rodrik suggests that Africa is not "different". He is right in so far as domestic factors - stability and security - are central to its success. But sub Saharan Africa is different . It faces great difficulties in building institutions of conflict management and has a legacy of being the most trade and capital hostile region.

· As is always the case in the "never ending question" of empirical tests of the links between trade and growth, the interpretation of the results of his work is very much open to question. He is far from decisively refuting this link.

Taking some of these factors into account suggests that Rodrik's somewhat sanguine attitude to inward-looking developm t is ill advised. Also, the potential role for international governance in helping to overcome several of and the problems facing poorer countries - low credib ity, limited regulatory resources, small markets -becomes more important. But these rules will help in so far as they encourage certainty, transparency and non-discrimination, rather than in offering flexibility. However, as Rodrik states, " these rules of the internation economy must be flexible in order to allow developing countries to develop their own "styles of capitalism"".

Insights into making 'globalization'work for poor countries.......1999-02-20

Like clothes, economic development policies are subject to the trends of fashion. This book examines the current development fad, "openness," and critiques it as a flawed economic model when applied simplistically to developing countries. The author, Dani Rodrik, professor of international political economy at Harvard, is no enemy of an open world economy, but he argues that its boosters greatly oversell its virtues and neglect its vices. He contends that too many governments and their policy advisors are fixated on openness --the unrestricted flow of goods, services, and capital across borders--as an end in itself. The dangers to this approach, he warns, are that: 1) openness alone is an unreliable mechanism to generate and sustain economic growth; 2) it tends to widen income and wealth inequalities within both developed and developing countries; and 3) it exposes countries to external shocks that can trigger domestic conflicts and political upheavals.

A developing country can gain much from openness to trade and investment, he agrees, but it must also do much in actively "making openness work"--the theme of the book. The minuses of openness may outweigh the pluses if a country fails to develop its own internal "complementary policies and institutions." What kind of policies and institutions? He cites these as among the most important: "participatory institutions, civil and political liberties, free labor unions, non-corrupt bureaucracies, high-quality independent judiciaries, and mechanisms of social insurance such as social safety nets." He offers specific evidence on how such institutions are valuable to developing countries for coping with turbulence in the world economy and for countering the widening of inequality that openness often brings. For most economists Rodrik is heretical because he debunks the "free market religion" and derides "knee-jerk globalizers," though only in passing. This is far from a diatribe against globalization. Instead, the book presents a detailed factual case for openness as "part of a development strategy," rather than a substitute for one. His forceful advice to governments and policy advisers: "Stop thinking of international economic integration as an end itself. Developing nations have to engage the world economy on their own terms, not on terms set by global markets or multilateral institutions." A valuable chapter of the book is one titled "Is Africa Is Different?" Rodrik answers No; openness can work its wonders there but (as anywhere) definitely not if applied simplistically.

Rodrik slips into jargon from time to time, but you can still benefit from reading his book even if you don't have a degree in economics.

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Drawing from the work of internationally renowned scholars from the Research Network on Gender, Politics and the State (RNGS), this study offers in-depth analysis of the relationship between state feminism, women's movements and public policy and places them within a comparative theoretical framework. Spain, France, Italy, Germany, Finland, Austria, Belgium, Canada, and the U.S. are all discussed individually.

Reinventing Accountability: Making Democracy Work for Human Development (International Political Economy)

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Reinventing Accountability: Making Democracy Work for Human Development (International Political Economy)
Anne-Marie Goetz , and Rob Jenkins
Manufacturer: Palgrave Macmillan
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

Policy & Current Events | Popular Economics | Business & Investing | Subjects | Books

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ASIN: 1403906246
Release Date: 2005-03-24

Book Description

A deepening crisis in accountability in developing democracies has triggered much debate on accountability and the mechanisms needed for overcoming deficiencies of democracy. This book analyzes a wide variety of contemporary efforts to reform accountability systems in developing countries. It makes an original contribution to the debate by dealing with a variety of novel approaches to accountability and it combines these approaches in both a systematic and analytic fashion. The book also includes case study material on successful accountability initiatives.

Making Democracy Work Better: Mediating Structures, Social Capital, and the Democratic Prospect

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community mediation is essentail for problem-solving
Civil Society and Democracy Need Government Resources
The essence of grassroot democracy

Making Democracy Work Better: Mediating Structures, Social Capital, and the Democratic Prospect
Richard A. Couto
Manufacturer: The University of North Carolina Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

Democracy | Government | Nonfiction | Subjects | Books

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ASIN: 0807848247
Release Date: 1999-09-29

Book Description

The decade of the 1980s marked a triumph for market capitalism. As politicians of all stripes sought to reinvent government in the image of private enterprise, they looked to the voluntary sector for allies to assuage the human costs of reductions in public policies of social welfare. This book details the "savage side" of market capitalism in Appalachia and explains the social, political, and economic roles that mediating structures play in mitigating it. Profiling the work of twenty-three such mediating structures—community-based organizations that battled to provide social safety nets, fight environmental assaults, and upgrade the education and job skills of Appalachian residents—Richard Couto distills the practical lessons to be found in their successes and shortcomings.

Couto argues that a broader set of democratic dimensions be used in taking the measure of civil society and public policy in the twenty-first century. He shows that mediating structures promote the democratic prospect of reduced inequality and increased communal bonds when they provide and advocate for new forms and increased amounts of social capital—the public goods and moral resources that we invest in one another as members of a community.

Customer Reviews:

community mediation is essentail for problem-solving.......2007-05-09

Dr. Couto says, "Mediating structures are a prerequisite to democracy. They preserve the liberty of citizens to act on public matters apart form government. They permit their members representation and participation in the sociopolitical arrangements of the neighborhood, community. nation, or state....The test for the democratic nature of mediating structures involves the stringent test of all three elements--liberty, equality, and political action--not only one of the three." With examples drawn from the Appalachia region, community social capital, in his view, are often adequate to meet local decision-making and problem-solving needs, but must be supplemented by outside resources to ensure adequate long-term solutions.

Civil Society and Democracy Need Government Resources.......2001-07-14

This book furthers the general understanding of social capital, civil society, democracy, nonprofit organizations, voluntary action and, to a limited extent, philanthropy.

A primary contribution of this book is a resurrection and development of a different conception of social capital than what Robert Putnam has articulated. Couto elaborates on Robert A. Nisbet's 1962 conception of social capital as including a material base as well as the moral or value base about which Putnam writes.

According to Couto, "Nisbet relates the failure of intermediate associations (family, community, church, and the whole network of informal interpersonal relationships) to provide the psychological and symbolic functions of social capital -- that is, its moral element -- directly to their diminished capacity to perform the material and economic functions of social capital" (identified as "mutual aid, welfare, education, recreation, and economic production and distribution") (p.53).

Borrowing also on Julian Wolpert, Couto says, "People have different amounts of social capital depending on the actual or potential resources, the size of the network to which they are linked, and the amount of economic and cultural capital the members of that network have." And citing Pierre Bourdieu, Couto adds, "Social capital is never independent of the other forms of capital..." (p.62).

The book then proceeds to narrate the stories of 23 community-based "mediating structures" in Appalachia and discuss how they contribute to social capital, civil society and democracy from a regional economic base that is among the poorest in the country.

At first blush, this seems to contradict the theory above. How can this economically impoverished area produce mediating structures that can succeed in adding to social capital (both moral and material)?

And how do the mediating structures promote democracy?

Recognizing that Nisbet, Wolpert and Bourdieu are correct, nevertheless, Couto demonstrates that increases in social capital and democracy are possible through the interventions of mediating structures even in the most economically devastated and politically corrupt areas of our country.

These Appalachian mediating structures ranged from very local organizations -- such as Dungannon Development Commission (VA), Brumley Gap Concerned Citizens (VA) and Bumpass Cove Citizens Group (TN) -- to statewide and regional organizations -- such as West Virginia Primary Care Association, Virginia Black Lung Association and Southern Empowerment Project (TN). They were organized to deal with economic development, environment, health, families and children, housing, human resources, culture and the arts, organizational and leadership development, and broad public policy.

A key factor in the mediating structures' successes (though not all the nonprofit organizations were successful in everything they conceived or undertook) was the ability of the organizations to extract material assistance from local, regional, state and federal governments and occasionally from for-profit businesses.

Sometimes they developed non-controversial partnerships with governments and businesses to add to the material basis of their communities. Sometimes they undertook controversial direct action to challenge unfair corporate or government policies. And sometimes organizations did both. Couto maintains that the dichotomy between "community development" -- which is usually non-controversial partnering -- and "community organizing" -- which is often associated with controversial direct action -- is a false one when considering the activities and achievements of these 23 Appalachian mediating structures.

Viewing these Appalachian nonprofit organizations from another perspective, many of them delivered services to their constituencies. Many advocated for changes in public policies at both the bureaucratic and the legislative levels. And many did both. Couto demonstrates through his narratives about the 23 organizations that the services and advocacy dichotomy is just as false as the community organizing-community development one.

Couto says, "Community-based mediating structures spend a considerable portion of their effort mitigating the worst consequences of a market economy predicated on rugged individualism and unadaptive capitalism. (They) promote the democratic prospect in places where public social welfare policies are most desperately needed" (p.299).

They promote democracy by building self-esteem in individuals who are often patronized for their poverty, illiteracy and poor health. They promote democracy by teasing out larger visions of how the world could be better against a backdrop of corporate rapaciousness and governmental indifference. They deliver services to their members and others in the community which help recruit people to participate in collective action. They promote democracy by organizing the individuals and their visions into collective action -- whether it be community development or direct action. Even when they fail, or when they succeed then fall apart, they promote democracy by having built self-esteem, enabled vision, and gave birth to concepts of collective action, community development and direct action which frequently translate into new organizations and action that are frequently more effective than the earlier incarnations. Everyone who participated in these Appalachian mediating structures was more aware of the possibilities -- and difficulties -- of democracy after their participation.

But at the same time, Couto suggests that these "mediating structures only supplement efforts to redress market failures." (p. 300) They might provide some help in alleviating the problems associated with workers' injuries or stopping the constant destruction of the enviroment by the coal companies, but they cannot make up for the short supply of public goods and services that might provide full recompense for such situations.

Nevertheless, the rich histories of these community-based organizations in Couto's book demonstrate a complex set of political, social and economic roles. In their political roles, the community-based organizations assist their members and their communities to discover the historical, social and economic origins of their conditions and to develop methods of redress. In their social roles, the organizations create the networks that Putnam and others suggest are critical to building social capital. Finally, in their economic roles, the organizations "weave government programs into these networks far more than limited-government advocates understand." (p.299)

While social theorists portray these local organizations as defenses against government intrusion, which they are, they do more than that by leveraging government money to provide goods and services otherwise in short supply, an essential ingredient to their organizational members and communities to both create and expand key social capital networks.

Robert Bothwell is President Emeritus/Senior Fellow of the National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, Washington, DC, USA

The essence of grassroot democracy.......2000-01-02

As the title indicates, this work builds upon (but independant from) Robert Putnum's "Making Democracy Work." In a book both approprate for univeristy level study and laymen alike, Couto presents the subject in three parts. First, Couto provides a well versed lesson in the civic sphere and mediating structures. The middle provides a virtual overkill of sucessfull mediating structures as examples. These examples help the reader understand that the civic sphere isn't some intangable ideal discussed by high-minded professor types, but rather a vital active (and very real) aspect of democracy. The examples lead the reader into the third part where Couto argues that a true and healthy democracy can only be achieved through citizen participation.

Couto focuses upon the central and southern Applachian regions in this work. He shows that if these people historically oppressed by industrial greed, political corruptness and belittling cultural sterotypes can stand up to the tide of Corporate globalism and demand demorcatic justice, then everybody can also. Couto doesn't break new ground, but rather expands upon this very important subject. These are issues addressed by Tocqueville and expanded upon by many great minds since then. Couto has futhered the intellectual pursuit of this concept.

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Annual Report 2000, Making The Global Economy Work For All

Manufacturer: International Monetary Fund
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
ASIN: 1557759510

Product Description

Reforming the Global Financial Architecture and Accelerating Poverty Reduction Dominate IMF Agana in FY2000.

Engendering state theory: feminists engage the state.(Book Review): An article from: The Review of Policy Research

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Engendering state theory: feminists engage the state.(Book Review): An article from: The Review of Policy Research
Amy R. Elman
Manufacturer: Policy Studies Organization
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Digital

General | Politics | Nonfiction | Subjects | Books

Book Description

This digital document is an article from The Review of Policy Research, published by Policy Studies Organization on September 22, 2003. The length of the article is 3498 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

Citation Details
Title: Engendering state theory: feminists engage the state.(Book Review)
Author: Amy R. Elman
Publication: The Review of Policy Research (Refereed)
Date: September 22, 2003
Publisher: Policy Studies Organization
Volume: 20 Issue: 3 Page: 549(8)

Article Type: Book Review

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Futurework : Putting Knowledge To Work In the Knowledge Economy

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A must read for anyone involved in performance improvement

Futurework : Putting Knowledge To Work In the Knowledge Economy
Charles D Winslow
Manufacturer: Free Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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ASIN: 0684863960

Customer Reviews:

A must read for anyone involved in performance improvement.......1996-08-06

I bought FutureWork after I had already read it. Check out our summary & reactions to this great book at http://www.uwm.edu:80/People/kenhahn/brhome.htm

Labour and Leisure in the Soviet Union: The Conflict Between Public and Private Decision-Making in a Planned Economy

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Labour and Leisure in the Soviet Union: The Conflict Between Public and Private Decision-Making in a Planned Economy
William Moskoff
Manufacturer: Palgrave Macmillan
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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ASIN: 0312462417

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Large Scale Policy Making.:
Paul R. Schulman
Manufacturer: Elsevier Social Science
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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Book Description

Challenging pluralist theory and the incremental model of policy making, Paul Schulman argues that many public policy undertakings may fail because of critical mismatches between the scale requirements of an objective and the political and organizational resources actually applied to its pursuit. At the same time, the book explores some of the special risks and hazards associated with large-scale policy frameworks.

Making Canada Work: Competing in the Global Economy

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Making Canada Work: Competing in the Global Economy
John Crispo
Manufacturer: RANDOM HOUSE
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Binding: Hardcover

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