Book Description
War and Change in World Politics introduces the reader to an important new theory of international political change. Arguing that the fundamental nature of international relations has not changed over the millennia, Professor Gilpin uses history, sociology, and economic theory to identify the forces causing change in the world order. The discussion focuses on the differential growth of power in the international system and the result of this unevenness. A shift in the balance of power - economic or military - weakens the foundations of the existing system, because those gaining power see the increasing benefits and the decreasing cost of changing the system. The result, maintains Gilpin, is that actors seek to alter the system through territorial, political, or economic expansion until the marginal costs of continuing change are greater than the marginal benefits. When states develop the power to change the system according to their interests they will strive to do so- either by increasing economic efficiency and maximizing mutual gain, or by redistributing wealth and power in their own favour.
Customer Reviews:
The Weakness of Hegemonic Realism.......2001-08-02
Robert Gilpin's work is the best-known and most influential within the Hegemonic Realist paradigm. Hegemonic Realism is a school of thought which views International Relations as organized hierarchically, with each state vying for the top position in order to gain the benefits of being the number one state. In Gilpins' words "Throughout history a principal objective of states has been the conquest of territory in order to advance economic, security, and other interests". War occurs when a rising state challenges the current hegemon, and seeks to overtake the priviliged postion. On the other hand, when one state is firmly in control, they institute a stable economic system which tends to keep the peace. There are serious problems with Hegemonic Realist theory, however, as well as Gilpin's own version of it. The first is the deductive logic behind the theory. Surely Gilpin is correct when he asserts that states have always sought conquest and territorial expansion. However, he is wrong about the motive. States seek security above all. Economic interests are not a main motive. Wars generally cost more than they could possibly gain in monetary terms. Major wars are especially costly, and no state would seek a major war with huge losses in order to gain a top position. Rather, states start wars to protect themselves from potential destruction. There are also major empirical problems with this theory, in that there really hasn't been a case of a rising power starting a war with the current hegemon. Part of this is due to the fact that Hegemonic theory only looks at the two strongest states, factoring out all the other Great Powers. But in a Multipolar system, the other states matter as well. Hegemonic Realism, for all its flaws, has made one major contribution to scholarship: The concept of state power as changing rather than fixed, as well as the concept of future expectations of power trends. This concept has been incorporated by Dale Copeland in "The Origins of Major War." Other than that however, Gilpin and his colleagues have little to offer.
Changing Trajectories in a Hierarchical Structure.......2000-05-07
For many years I have relied on War & Change in World Politics as a structural guide to examining international relations. Gilpin's classic work provides, both clear historical and theoretical support to augument his argument. His thoughts reside firmly in the realist tradition, but adds to the richness of that paradigm through focusing on transition. Gilpin correctly argued that,"Throughout history a principal objective of states has been the conquest of territory in order to advance economic, security, and other interests. Whether by means of imperialist subjugation of one people by another or by annexation of contiguous territory, states in all ages have sought to enlarge their control over territory and, by implication, their control over the international system. For this reason, a theory of international political change must of necessity also be a theory of imperialism and political integration.(23) The firm goal of Gilpin is to creat a theory of the transition of power relations. I believe that he has provided the initial steps through his courageous attempt to provide framework developing a theory of change. I first read War & Change while residing in Western and Central Europe, from 1989 to 1999. I was at the tearing down of the Berlin Wall, The Gulf War, and witnessed the collapse of the Soviet Union and the reunification of Germany. Gilpin's book provided structure to my studies and my personal search for understanding of the dynamics of these profound changes in societies. I evaluated theories of economism, based on American capitalism versus European and Japanese socialism and the belief in a new tri-polar order and found them theoretically broken down in War & Change. Gilpin argued that,"Although multipolar systems can become tripolar, the more usual occurrence is for bipolar systems to become tripolar, and as Waltz correctly observed, tripolar systems tend to be the most unstable os all....Thus the emergence of a powerful China, Japan, or united Europe would undoubtedly prove to be a destabilizing factor in contemporary world politics."(91) The explosion of the Internet changed for many the equation of power. However, the technological catch up tactics of Japan in the 1980s had many Americans worrying that it's comparative advantage was being lost. The Internet will decrease the curve and the trajectory of technological catchup policies. Take a read of pages 173-178 to fully appreciate Gilpin's analysis of pre-Internet military and technological trends. The ideas of democracy as the only legitimste form of government were dismayed by my real life experiences and I found support and faults in my analysis of this situation in Gilpin's work. In closing, I believe that Gilpin needed to concentrate his argument more on a particular structure of change. However, because of the wide range of issues that increase the factors of change and the trajectories of states an explanation of change that requires this drift was almost a necessity. For any student of international relations or history War & Change in World Politics is rich in references and advice for structuring an analysis. My belief is that this is a fundamental book in understanding the changes occurring now and that will be in the future.
Excellent book.......1999-09-12
Although somewhat dated, "War and Change" is one of the great books in International Relations Theory. Robert Gilpin puts forth the theory that would inspire Paul Kennedy to write his "Rise and Fall of the Great Powers" years later. Gilpin's theory is basically this: powerful states in the international system tend to spend a lot to maintain its militar proeminance. But while it is wasting a lot of money to enforce the "rules" of the system, revisionist powers can compete with less costs. When there is a "de facto" balance between these powers, there's an hegemonic war that settles it straight. And then, there is a new cycle. "War and Change" is really worth reading and it shows a different position in the "neorealist" debate inaugurated by Kenneth Waltz in his "Theory of International Politics". A final advice: just read it if you're a bit aquainted with IR theory, or else it'll be pretty boring.
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- All aspects of Japan's foreign policy
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Japan's Foreign Policy After the Cold War: Coping With Change (Studies of the East Asian Institute)
Michael Blaker
Manufacturer: M.E. Sharpe
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
 1945 - Present
| 20th Century
| United States
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Japan
| Asia
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General
| Middle East
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Relations
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ASIN: 1563242176 |
Customer Reviews:
All aspects of Japan's foreign policy.......2000-03-29
This book is an excellent source for most aspects of Japan's foreign policy. It is an excellent place to start when researching the policy orientation of Japan. The sections are broken up into diplomatic style, economics, securiy, regional relations, and new trends. Unlike other books which deal with only a particular field, usually economics, Curtis makes sure to combine all aspects of Japan's foreign policy. However, in its quest to be all-encompasing it is is still hihg-quality and each section is written be specialists in that particular field. The author's of the individual articles are elequent and make cogent arguments with excellent data to back their assertions. Overall, this book is a must read for anyone curious about Japan's foreign policy or even an "expert" in the field.
Customer Reviews:
Mediterranean social change revisited.......2002-02-21
Widely acclaimed in academic circles when it first appeared, to read it again is an intellectual pleasure. A masterpiece of scholarship, it craftfully couples in-depth knowledge of the subject with most insightful theoretical schemae.
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Total War and Historical Change: Europe 1914-1955
Arthur, Ed. Marwick
Manufacturer: TAYLOR & FRANCIS/ ROUTLEDGE
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
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ASIN: 0335207936 |
Book Description
In exploring these four key themes, this collection provides a major resource for the study of twentieth century European history and exemplifies different historical methods and approaches. The authors are drawn from a range of disciplines including those of economics, literature and the arts as well as military, social and political history, and together they raise some of the most significant problems and debates in the study of history. The essays range from standard seminal works by Stanley Hoffmann, Arno J. Mayer and Charles Maier to more recent contributions by Richard Bessell, Mark Harrison and Hew Strachan.
Book Description
At times of global crisis, Jonathan Schell's writings have presented influential alternatives to conventional, dead-end thinking.His classic bestseller, The Fate of the Earth, was hailed by The New York Times as 'an event of profound historical moment.' Now as the world stands once more on the brink of upheaval, Schell reenters the fray with a lucid, impassioned, and provocative book that points the way out of the unparalleled devastation of the twentieth century toward another, more peaceful path. Tracing the relentless expansion of violence to its culmination in nuclear stalemate, Schell uncovers a simultaneous but little-noted history of nonviolent action at every level of political life. His historical journey turns up seeds of nonviolence even in the bloody revolutions of America, France, and Russia, as well as in the people's wars of China and Vietnam. And his investigations into the great nonviolent events of modern times-from Gandhi's independence movement in India to the explosion of civic activity that brought about the surprising collapse of the Soviet Union-suggest foundations of an entirely new kind on which to construct an enduring peace. As Schell makes clear, all-out war, with its risk of human extinction, must cease to play the role of final arbiter. The Unconquerable World is a bold book of global significance; far from being utopian, it offers the only realistic hope of safety.
Customer Reviews:
People Power Explained.......2007-01-24
This is a compelling book with well-supported arguments. "The Unconquerable World" explains why ventures such as the U.S. in Iraq are doomed to failure.
My favorite section is the one dealing with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Modern American myth has it that the U.S. was solely responsible for the "defeat" of the USSR - through Afghanistan, the insane weapons race, etc. While these surely had their contribution, Schell describes the rise of people's movements in Eastern Europe that, without actively intending to bring about the demise of their oppressor, did just that.
I highly recommend "The Unconquerable World" for anyone wishing to understand social and political change, and the very real possibilities of non-violence as a path for these changes.
Oh look, fantasy.......2006-06-01
An interesting fictional account of how 'the people' and their non-violent means can confront Bin Laden, Nazism and all the other threats. What does the pacifist say to the terrorist? "blow me up". What does the pacifist say to the Nazi? "Gas me". What does the Pacifist say to Stalin? "how can I help you?". It it were not for pacifism the world would be a safer place, however this book argues that opposite, citing examples of 'people power' where non-violent resistance was victorious. Lets go through those examples: Gandhi in 1948. The velvet revolution of 1989. So in the history of the world and some 25,000 years of human acheivement we can find two examples. SUrely non-violence works against governments that arn't willing to kill the people. But what about the terrorist, the nazi, the stalin. What should the Kurds have done against Saddam? Schnell argues that a 'bad war system' rules the world. THen the book argues that the 'bad' Bush administration is responsible for nuclear proliferation. This is interesting. Of the 10 nations in the world reputed to possess nuclear weapons it is America that is to blame? Despite the fact that Iran continues to build her bomb, and that the Pakistani scientist Khan went to Libya and Iran and North Korea to spread his gospel of 'nukes for small nations' lending advice and know-how, it is somehow America that threatens the world with nukes. Perhaps in a warped way the author is correct. Like all real pacifists this book argues for a 'passive' resistence to Hitler, which is to say that in 1941 nothing should have been done against Germany and therefore by 1945 Germany would have developed the bomb. So surely this would have been the more desireable scenario.
Pacifism is the greatest aid to mass-murder and genocide, it is collaborator with nazism and islamism, it is the collaborator with the death of humanity. As the famous saying goes "evil suceeds when good people do nothing." Pacifism is all about doing nothing in the face of murder. So there is no essential difference between the pacifism advocated here and the nazism it begets.
Seth J. Frantzman
So bad it seems to have been written to discredit the peace movement.......2005-11-20
There have been a number of powerful arguments made over time against the horrors of war. This book is not among them. Schell presents a rambling, naive, and trite rant in prose form, absolutely lacking any sense of structure or logic.
The core failing of the book is that Schell doesn't seem to understand what war is *for*. Because this reality is not addressed, Schells is unable to develop alternative mechanisms that address the core reasons for war -- and concrete alternative mechanisms are what is necessary here, not truism and tautology.
War in humans is similar to war in other creatures, primates, social insects, etc. War has always been a means of weeding out weak groups, of redistributing resources amoung humanity, of driving evolution and adaptability. Unless we develop the economic tools to achieve redistribution without violence, violence will always be the natural and *reasonable* final solution of those who find themselve to be stronger, yet who have less resources than others.
Despite the NY Times quote on the cover, there is *no* cogent argument in the book. A specific example: Schell claims repeatedly in the book that "nonviolent movements in Eastern Europe and in Russia [...] brought down the Soviet Union". Sure, there were nonviolent protests at the very *end* of the Soviet Union, and some major incidents over the years, but it is widely believed by economists that the Soviet Union was bankrupted by a futile attempt to keep up with the United States in terms of the arms race. The USA could borrow money from the international capital markets to finance its cold war, the Soviet Union could not. America ended the war in massive long-term debt, the Soviet Union ended bankrupt. Yes, at the very end there were nonviolent protests, but these were a response to the fact that the Soviet Union was no longer able to function economically, not visa versa. Yes, some people in the Soviet Union protested, but rhetoric aside, it is clear that they protested because their standard of living was below that of the West, and they had been told that "democracy" would make them wealthier. If the people of the Soviet Union had enjoyed greater prosperity than the West, there would have been no protests. This seems obvious.
Another example. Schell repeatedly cites and praises the nonviolence recommended by Christ, the nonviolence of Ghandi, and the nonviolence of MLK. Schell seems utterly oblivious to the fact that in all these cases the nonviolence option was used simply because of the participant's lack of other options, in particular, military power. If the Jews had been kicking Roman posterior, they would have had no time for prophets of nonviolence. If the Indians were doing likewise versus the British we would never have heard of Ghandi. The same goes for MLK. In every case that Schell cites, nonviolence was forced upon the participants due to lack of other options: for example, the superpower "nonviolent" stalemate during the cold war. Nonviolence, then, became the most efficient option for the protagonists... not the most "moral" or "righteous".
What Schell fails to recognize is that humans desperately want to redistribute resources. It is one of the most basic and powerful drives we see in humanity. We will use whatever tools are most efficient for the task at hand, and in many cases the tool has been war. In other cases the most efficient tool has been nonviolent protest. In other cases the tool has been capitalism -- or communism. But to eliminate war, we must recognize that war has always had a legitimate purpose in the development of Man, and from there, we must strive to create more efficient options -- not merely blithely state that "violence [is] always a mark of human failure and a bringer of sorrow" and assume that any option developed will be preferable.
Not good.
A Truly Original Thinker.......2005-10-06
Schell spells it out: Nonviolent action wins. The paranoid dreams which have created the neocon movement are debunked here. The bunker mentality is a mental illness, and these poor folk need our therapy and love, not our anger. We have some serious challenges coming, not the least being Peak Oil, but this original analysis of the horrifying events of the twentieth century (the war system and the decline of participatory democracy in America) lowered a lot of my anxieties. It doesn't hurt that all of the (sometimes iconoclastic) historical figures he name-checked have always been favorites of mine.
Peoples war.......2005-08-01
Vietnam. Vietnam for the West was about Democracy verses Communism and failure too contain and defeat communism in Central and South America increased the desire for confrontation to South East Asia moving the battle of idealogy, too Viet Nam. The U.S had superior military technology and military might and won conclusively in this arena. The U.S war planes and bombers dominated the air and pulverized and burned the enemy on the ground. The usage of chemical agents and folliage destroying agents was comprehensive. Vietnam the third world war.
Clausewitz observed, "war must be immediate and decisive", the Viet nam was not immediate and decisive. The enemy did not stand in a battle formation and fight back. Instead, the enemy was fluid and elusive. The people's war was about Vietnamese self determinism, independance. The Viet Nam war became a beacon of hope for the people to free themselves from foreigner control and gain their own soverienty. Therefore, the Vietnamese people had become intolerant of foreign rule and noncooperative.
The Viet Cong acknowledge this intolerance and manipulated it; The Viet Cong blended with local communities disappearing in the group during attack and came out on withdrawal; the Viet Cong couldn't be destroyed completely because U.S politic interference, statisical controlled warfare, and containment idealogy; the Viet Cong had an endless supply of new recruits from the people; the Viet Cong mastered guerilla warfare and the weak became strong; the French colonization created an oppression that the Vietnamese increase their desire for independance; the Viet Cong learned how to influence and appeal too the people desire for self determination and independance; nuclear engagement was too powerful to use even in a limited theatre; U.S public approval dropped as the war was perceived too be immoral. The Tet Offensive demonstrated, a weak nation can defeat a strong nation, if the war becomes a political war; the Tet Offensive showed the Vietnames were self determined, could fight back, and resist.
The useless of war has another dimension, resistence. Most overturns of power are done nonviolently. Ghandi nonviolent resistence demonstrated that 300,000 million indians overthrow the British empire be going on strike. Ghandi attracted British, Muslim, and Hindu attention through his prolonged fasts. Infuenced by the Thoreau and Tolsty, Ghandi turned the external violence inward. Ghandi rhethoric was revolutionary and he protested the evils of British imperil rule. Indian independance was his goal and message. Nonviolent resistence. Cooperation is the message. Governments operate through the cooperation of its citizens, military, and politicians. The group cooperates too propagate their interests, ideals, and morals.
Dictatorships work only when the ruthless few slaughter passive many. Dictatorships fail when the active many resist. Control by mass murder does not work because justification of mass murder is morally wrong. Before the Chinese-Japanese war there were 44 million Chinese and by the time of the atomic bomb there were 25 million.
Dictatorship doctrine of mass murder advocates revolutions must be bloody. Population control does not work because independance and self determination destroy the idealogical foundation and influence of terror the dictator holds over the people.
Economics. The way the world works is always linked too market forces. The world runs because of economics. People want to be prosperous, safe, comfortable, own property, and engage in free trade. Governments can not control these forces, they can regulate them. Cooperation operates best when governments don't entangle themselves in other governments interests and free trade is allowed. Free trade force will drive prosperity. Government regulation of free trade inhibits the self interest of the group and reduces cooperation.
Terror. Population control does not work. Terror and the perspective of terror has been thought to be an effective deterrant by political power. For example, nuclear weapons has become too powerful. They can not be used. No country would rationally believe they could uses these weapons, usage would mean annihilation of that government. Weakness and humiliation drives countries to covet and acquire these weapons. Fascination with power and the appearance of power overshadow countries without nuclear capability. The world operates off military strength too achieve political strength. Terror has become the power too stop aggression. How real is that deterence, if the weapons can not be used. Terror only works as long as the mass believe in it, once they stop believing in terror innovation starts and self determinism prevails.
Book Description
A controversial book when originally published in Germany, The Nazi Census documents the origins of the census in modern Germany, along with the parallel development of machines that helped first collect data on Germans, then specifically on Jews and other minorities.
The authors begin by examining the history of statistical technology in Germany, from the Hollerith machine in the 1890s through the development and licensing of IBM punch-card technology.
The authors explain that census data was collected on non-Germans in order to satisfy the state's desire to track racial groups for alleged security reasons. Later this information led to disastrous results for those groups and others that were tracked in similar ways.
Ultimately, as the authors point out in this short, rigorously researched book, the techniques the Nazis employed to track, gather information, and control populations initiated the modern system of citizen registration. Aly and Roth argue that what led to the devastating effects of the Nazi census was the ends to which they used their data, not their means. It is the employment of "normal" methods of collection that the authors examine historically as it applies to the Nazi regime, and also the way contemporary methods of classification and control still affect the modern world.
Customer Reviews:
Efficient Genocide.......2004-10-10
The prerequisites of efficient genocide require seemingly routine identification and registration systems which the Nazis employed with sinister intentions. The Nazi Census, originally published in Germany as the Total Registration, is far more than a book about census. Rather, it is a penetrating, almost painful examination of all forms of Nazi registration--from paper and pencil to IBM Hollerith machines, that necessarily preceded the greatest organized persecution and killing of all time. Edwin Black, who wrote IBM and the Holocaust, offers an excellent introduction to the book and pays tribute to its value. When you read the Nazi Census you understand that long before the guns were fired and the boxcars loaded, the victims were organized by the registrars, statisticians and IBM experts.
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Policing Interwar Europe: Continuity, Change and Crisis, 1918-40
Jr., Gerald Blaney
Manufacturer: Palgrave Macmillan
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
General
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Social History
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Social Services & Welfare
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Law Enforcement
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ASIN: 1403992649
Release Date: 2007-02-06 |
Book Description
In the convulsive environment that followed the First World War and the Russian Revolution, the issues of policing and public order became of primary importance to the various governments of Interwar Europe. Policing Interwar Europe features original research on ten different countries ranging from Portugal to Poland and Britain to Bulgaria, providing an unprecedented opportunity for comparative perspectives between countries, regions and regimes, as well as an understanding of the situation in the individual countries covered.
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Regulating a New Society: Public Policy and Social Change in America, 1900-1933
Morton Keller
Manufacturer: Harvard University Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
Policy & Current Events
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ASIN: 0674753631 |
Book Description
A leading scholar of twentieth-century American history looks again at the beginning of the century, this time giving us a remarkable portrait of the emergence of modern society and its distinctive transformations and social problems. As in Regulating a New Economy, his earlier book on the changing American economy, Morton Keller integrates political, legal, and governmental history, now providing the first comprehensive study of the ideas and interests that shaped early twentieth-century American social policy.
Keller looks at the major social institutions: the family, voluntary associations, religion, and education. He examines important social issues: the rights of the individual, the regulation of public mores (gambling, drugs, prostitution, alcohol abuse), the definition and punishment of crime, and social welfare policy (poverty, public health, conditions of labor). His final area of concern is one that assumed new importance after 1900: social policy directed at major groups, such as immigrants, blacks, Native Americans, and women.
The interpretive theme is fresh and controversial. Keller sees early twentieth-century American government not as an artifact of class, race, and gender conflict but as the playing out of tension between the Progressive thrust to restore social cohesion through the principle of order and organization and two other, mutually antipodal, social interests: the weight of the American past and the growing pluralism of modern America. The interplay among these elements--Progressivism, persistence, pluralism--shaped early twentieth-century social policy. The result was no clear victory for any one of these public attitudes, but rather the emergence and delineation of most of the social issues that have dominated American public life for the rest of the century.
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Social and Political Change in Revolutionary China
David S. G. Goodman
Manufacturer: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0742508641 |
Book Description
This history provides the first book-length study and the first county-level analysis of social and political change in the Taihang Base Area during the key years of the War of Resistance to Japan. David S. G. Goodman explores revolution as process, arguing that the CCP was successful because of its management of revolutionary incrementalism. In particular, he examines the roles and interactions of urban intellectuals, teachers, and peasant small-holders as agents of change. Based on newly available documents and interviews, this meticulously researched work deepens our understanding of the social and political origins of the Chinese revolution by considering how both the rural population and the party adapted within that process.
Books:
- White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (Critical America Series)
- Why Parties?: The Origin and Transformation of Political Parties in America (American Politics and Political Economy Series)
- A History of the Federal Reserve, Vol. 1: 1913-1951
- America Alone: The End of the World as We Know It
- America Beyond Capitalism: Reclaiming Our wealth, Our Liberty and Our Democracy
- America Beyond Capitalism: Reclaiming Our wealth, Our Liberty and Our Democracy
- America the Unusual
- American Government and Politics Today: The Essentials 2006-2007 Edition (American Government and Politics Today)
- American Government: Brief Version, Seventh Edition
- American Government: Continuity and Change, 2006 Texas Edition (3rd Edition)
Books Index
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