Book Description
"Be prepared for a mind-opening experience."
-The Christian Century
"Highly readable; excellent for students. . . . A tonic and eye-opener for anyone who wants a politics that works."
-Jane Mansbridge, Adams Professor, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University
"America Beyond Capitalism comes at a critical time in our history-when we all know our system isn't working but we are not sure what can be done about it. This book takes us outside the confines of orthodox thinking, imagines a new way of living together, and then brings that vision back into reality with a set of eminently practical ideas that promise a truly democratic society."
-Howard Zinn, author of A People's History of the United States
"Succeeds brilliantly in taking the Jeffersonian spirit into the last bastion of privilege in America, offering workable solutions for making the American economy one that is truly of, by, and for the people."
-Jeremy Rifkin, author of The European Dream: How Europe's Vision of the Future Is Quietly Eclipsing the American Dream
"The kind of careful, well-researched, and practical alternative progressives have been seeking. And it's more-visionary, hopeful, even inspirational. I highly recommend it."
-Juliet Schor, author of The Overspent American: Why We Want What We Don't Need
"A compelling and convincing story of the future."
-William Greider, author of The Soul of Capitalism: Opening Paths to a Moral Economy
Customer Reviews:
Not particularly rousing or transforming.......2007-07-11
The author is concerned that at this point in our history our ideals of liberty, equality, and democracy have been seriously eroding as never before. By far the most relevant development given by the author is the growing concentration of wealth in the US among the richest 1 percent and thereby their immense power to control the political-economic system. In this highly tilted environment, traditional popular political approaches are largely ineffective - systemic changes are needed. However, the author's proposals scarcely go "beyond capitalism," being reformist at best, and do little to enhance the little "d" democracy that is so important in a democracy.
Because wealth-holding is so central in our society, the author proposes changes in forms of ownership and the distribution of capital. He gives examples of ownership by municipalities, non-profits, and other non-government entities mostly in the areas of low-income housing and utility ownership, none of which are particularly economically transforming to the citizenry. He suggests that ESOPs are empowering to workers, yet he readily admits that most ESOPs do not even have voting rights. There have always been worker cooperatives and direct worker ownership in the US, but hardly at the level of being a countervailing force to huge for-profit corporations owned by anonymous stockholders. His suggestions to decentralize the US into regional political entities, like virtually all of his proposals, do not enhance participation for citizens.
The author notes that major crises in this nation, such as the Great Depression or WWII, have spurred the most profound changes. The author hints at the fact that it may well be the excesses of elites and corporations that will generate the next significant political-economic changes. Forces of globalization, the cheap labor afforded by immigration, growing perceptions of unreasonable inequality, a health care industry increasingly at odds with the health of the American public, the diminishment and jeopardization of retirement income, and perpetual war - all may well combine to stimulate profound changes. As the author acknowledges, it is likely that the situation may have to get worse before action is taken.
The book, though not particularly long, manages to be repetitious and tedious with excessive cataloging of various agencies, programs, and advocates. The book is hardly a far left treatise. Capitalism may get a strong rebuke, but that is the extent of it. His vaguely presented schemes to redistribute wealth are highly bureaucratic, bypassing worker control. Overall this book is a disappointment in its lack of specific suggestions for empowering citizens in all areas, public and private.
book for school.......2007-05-16
I bought this book for a class at college. I am really tired of this propoganda. I do not agree with the viewpoints.
Required reading????.......2006-09-21
The guy makes his liberal points like gangbusters. But why on earth is this type of material required reading in several colleges without an equally substantial pro-capitalist book to counter it?
Nowhere else in society are young people exposed to such raw indoctrination as they are in America's college campuses. Kids need to learn to think for themselves, not just repeat the rantings of their instructors.
The View from the Far Left.......2006-05-02
This book is an excellent summary of the thinking of the left wing of the Democratic party. He brings forth a good collection of ways that he sees our society declining. I believe the thing he laments most is that the rich are rich. From this he goes on to saying that the standard work week in the US should be shorter, there should be universal health care, the whole litany of the issues of the far left.
While many of us think that the far right wing has gone too far, the far left likewise has little appeal.
Another point that bothers me is that problems I forsee being the biggest problems that the country faces, he doesn't mention at all. For instance, we are at about the peak of oil production in the world and developing countries, especially China and India have increased their demand for oil, and the total production of oil is going to go down in the next few years.
Mr. Alperovitz is a Democratic Party activist. He doesn't though address what the Democratics need to do to be able to win on a national level. The old Democratic coalition of minorities, labor, women, the big Eastern political machines no longer has the pull it had. If he really wants to change things, how does he propose for the Democrats to counter the movement in our country to the South and West. Hint: When Kerry and Edwards left the campaign trail for a couple of days to go vote on a gun control measure they wrote off the South and West just to back up the left wing of their party.
I give the book five stars because it so clearly illustrates the feelings of the far left. As a practical plan for the future, it wouldn't rate that high.
Five Stars for Originality and Scholarship, Three for the Quality of Writing.......2005-11-12
I give this book five stars for orginality and scholarship and three for the quality of the writing.
The ideas presented here hold the key to future progressive political success. Unfortunately, most political activists on the Left are not aware of the rich history of democratic localism that progressives can draw on to win a progressive governing majority. This book is the antidote to this lack of awareness. By studying "America Beyond Capitalism" progressive thinkers and activists can learn how to develop popular policies that will earn the trust of the American electorate.
However, the quality of writing leaves much to be desired. The writing style too frequently degenerates into tiring catalogues of examples that could be easily summarized, allowing the curious reader to more easily absorb the main theme, while still having the option of researching examples by looking at the original sources cited. This is why I give it only three stars for the quality of the writing.
Overall, I give this book four stars and I highly recommend it to any progressive who is seriously interested in building a progressive governing majority in the 21st century.
Book Description
It is a commonplace claim of Western political discourse that capitalist development and democracy go hand in hand. Cross-national statistical research on political democracy supports this claim. By contrast, comparative historical studies carried out within a political economy approach argue that economic development was and is compatible with multiple political forms.
The authors offer a fresh and persuasive resolution to the controversy arising out of these contrasting traditions. Focusing on advanced industrial countries, Latin America, and the Caribbean, they find that the rise and persistence of democracy cannot be explained either by an overall structural correspondence between capitalism and democracy or by the role of the bourgeoisie as the agent of democratic reform. Rather, capitalist development is associated with democracy because it transforms the class structure, enlarging the working and middle classes, facilitating their self-organization, and thus making it more difficult for elites to exclude them. Simultaneously, development weakens the landed upper class, democracy's most consistent opponent.
The relationship of capitalist development to democracy, however, is not mechanical. As the authors show, it depends on a complex interplay of three clusters of power: the balance of power among social classes, power relations between the state and society, and transnational structures of economic and political power. Looking to the future, the book concludes with some reflections on current prospects for the development of stable democracy in Latin America and Eastern Europe.
Customer Reviews:
Middle Class Role.......2005-08-03
I agree with the first review posted on this book, but I think there is an important point of the book missing there. Rueschemeyer, Stephens and Stephens emphasize the pivotal role of the middle class in the emergence and persistence of democracy, just as Seymour Lipset and Barrington Moore did before, but they add something new. In their studies in Latin America, they found that the middle class was a positive factor for democratization only when it aligned with the popular sectors. But if the working class is too large or too powerful and the middle class feels threatened, it aligns with the military or the landing elites, with the opposite result: democracy doesn't emerge, or if it exists, it breaks down. This is a key finding that ratifies a study by Jose Nun about Latin America, published in 1967, called "Middle Class military coup." It is important to keep this in mind, especially when in the US Congress the arguments to vote for the Free Trade Agreement with Central America (CAFTA) were that it will promote a strong middle class and therefore the consolidation of democracy. Nun's study first and now this book by Rueschemeyer et al are important alerts for us to keep in mind that this argument is true, but has to be qualified. Not always the middle class will be a positive force for democracy.
Convincing account capitalist-democratic consolidation.......2003-02-14
In this groundbreaking work, Rueschemeyer, Stephens and Stephens establish not only a strong correlation between capitalist development and democracy, but also a convincing causal mechanism by which this development can bring about democracy. The authors choose to focus on a relative class power model in their account of democracy: capitalist development initiates a profound shift in the class structure and the relative power of each class. According to the authors, in a pre-capitalist society the subordinate classes are most likely to support a transition demoracy because they essentially have nothing to lose and everything to gain. They are opposed in this respect by the landowning aristocracy, the dominant class in pre-industrial society and the class that has everything to lose in a democratization of the political system. Thus, the strenghtening of the subordinate (working) class brought about by industrialization bodes well for democracy. Capitalism also brings about an entirely new player--the middle class--that, when it allies with the interests of subordinate classes, intensifies the push for democracy. The analysis of social actors is joined by an analysis of social structure. That is, Rueschemeyer, et al believe that a balance between the state's power and the power of social actors must be established in order for democracy to become a possibility. A strong state counters the power of the elites while a strong landowning class prevents a totalitarian state from forming. The key to creating this balance is the development of a strong civil society between these two forces. Autonomous of both the government and the class system, civil society consists in the aggregation of social actors in various organizations (such as community-based or religious groups and trade unions). Capitalist development frees people from their preoccupation with subsistence agriculture, allowing them to join in such associations and increasing thier power in voicing their collective interests. The most significant contribution of this account is the reassertion of individual agency in the process of democracy, a concept that is often ignored in purely structural accounts of democratization.
Book Description
Over the past three decades, China has undergone a historic transformation. Once illegal, its private business sector now comprises 30 million businesses employing more than 200 million people and accounting for half of China's Gross Domestic Product. Yet despite the optimistic predictions of political observers and global business leaders, the triumph of capitalism has not led to substantial democratic reforms.
In Capitalism without Democracy, Kellee S. Tsai focuses on the activities and aspirations of the private entrepreneurs who are driving China's economic growth. The famous images from 1989 of China's new capitalists supporting the students in Tiananmen Square are, Tsai finds, outdated and misleading. Chinese entrepreneurs are not agitating for democracy. Most are working eighteen-hour days to stay in business, while others are saving for their one child's education or planning to leave the country. Many are Communist Party members.
"Remarkably," Tsai writes, "most entrepreneurs feel that the system generally works for them." She regards the quotidian activities of Chinese entrepreneurs as subtler and possibly more effective than voting, lobbying, and protesting in the streets. Indeed, major reforms in China's formal institutions have enhanced the private sector's legitimacy and security in the absence of mobilization by business owners. In discreet collaboration with local officials, entrepreneurs have created a range of adaptive informal institutions, which in turn, have fundamentally altered China's political and regulatory landscape.
Based on years of research, hundreds of field interviews, and a sweeping nationwide survey of private entrepreneurs funded by the National Science Foundation, Capitalism without Democracy explodes the conventional wisdom about the relationship between economic liberalism and political freedom.
Customer Reviews:
very good book.......2007-10-09
this book is a must read and goes in-depth into the emerging underground economy in China. I also recommend the first book Back-Alley banking by the same author.
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- The Development of Civil Society
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A Civil Economy: Transforming the Marketplace in the Twenty-First Century (Evolving Values for a Capitalist World)
Severyn T. Bruyn
Manufacturer: University of Michigan Press
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Binding: Paperback
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ASIN: 0472067060 |
Book Description
A civil society is one in which a democratic government and a market economy operate together. The idea of the civil economy--encompassing a democratic government and a market economy--presumes that people can solve social problems within the market itself. This book explores the relationship between the two, examining the civil underpinnings of capitalism and investigating the way a civil economy evolves in history and is developed for the future by careful planning.
Severyn T. Bruyn describes how people in three sectors--government, business, and the Third Sector (nonprofits and civil groups)--can develop an accountable, self-regulating, profitable, humane, and competitive system of markets that could be described as a civil economy. He examines how government officials can organize markets to reduce government costs; how local leaders deal with global corporations that would unfairly exploit their community resources; and how employees can become coparticipants in the development of human values in markets.
A Civil Economy is oriented to interdiciplinary studies of the economy, assisting scholars in diverse fields, such as business management, sociology, political science, and economics, in developing a common language to examine civic problems in the marketplace.
As an undergraduate text, it evokes a mode of thought about the development of a self-accountable system of markets. Students learn to understand how the market economy becomes socially accountable and self-reliant, while remaining productive, competitive, and profitable.
Sveryn T. Bruyn is Professor of Sociology, Boston College.
Customer Reviews:
The Development of Civil Society.......2000-05-31
The term "civil society" became popular in the late 20th century as a critique of Marxism and communism. Civil society represented hope in the midst of fallen communist states and offered an alternative to statism and overgrown governments. But its definition remained vague, failing to address the issues of capitalism and failing to explain the reason for communist revolutions. Instead, it envisioned an "active citizenship" to be taken through voluntary associations, but it did not address problems in the capitalist system. Civil society was conceived in the United States as "those domains of activity that Americans occupy when they are engaged neither in government (voting, serving on juries, paying taxes).............................. " In this book, however, the author focuses on the development of civil markets. The market is a powerful force, and ever more pivotal today with the growth of a global economy. More and more people study the business system: people who are retired; civic leaders; academicians; investors; financial analysts; consultants in business and management; public policymakers; researchers who work for labor; philanthropic organizations; social critics; and social activists. Everyone is keeping an eye on the market not only for his or her survival, but because the market is changing the course of society. While the growth of markets brings promise, Bruyn argues that there is a corresponding concern. Could market values distort values in other institutions, such as home, family, education, government, or even religion? Could the core values of other institutions diminish, perhaps turn toward business interests? Could the goal of economic growth threaten the natural environment or even human survival on earth? Such questions remain critical to the future of markets and states. This book starts with the premise that the economy is embedded in the whole of society -- business, government and the Third Sector, otherwise known as civic groups. The economy is not the same as business just as government is not the same as the state. The following definitions are important when creating a framework to explain development in the whole of society. Bruyn defines "economy" to be where people make their livelihood. The economy is about survival and scarcity, he says, but it is also interwoven into the whole society, and inter-bound with social life. Similarly, the concept of "government" is identified with the state, but it is actually woven into the fabric of society. Political scientists acknowledge that all associations require governance. "Government" in its broad meaning refers to the management of any association, including, for example, the government of a church, a university, a union, or a trade association. In this book, you will find a new mode of thought about civil (self) governance in a market system. The book is superb.
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Good Governance in Central and Eastern Europe: The Puzzle of Capitalism by Design (Economies and Societies in Transition)
Manufacturer: Edward Elgar Publishing
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 1840646187 |
Book Description
The implementation of a democratic order embedded in a market economy environment has proved immensely difficult. Furthermore, this process is subject to tremendous variety within Central and Eastern Europe. Ten years after the collapse of communism it was apparent that only Poland and Slovenia surpassed their 1989 levels of GDP. This book scrutinizes the arrangements to enforce good governance in this area both by means of external help and domestic political leadership.
From the popular assumption that transformation is a collective good, it follows that the problem of free-riding has to be faced. Consequently there is a danger that transformation may never be completed. This book empirically tests the relationship between economic performance and good governance focusing upon voluntary coercion as a means to prevent free-riding behavior. The author examines the role of international organizations and discusses elite formation as an important element of good governance - something often ignored in the economic analysis of economic performance.
Scholars and researchers of political and economic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe as well as those from the fields of political economy, international relations and political science will find this book enlightening.
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Government and Markets: Establishing a Democratic Constitutional Order and a Market Economy in Former Socialist Countries (International Studies in Economics and Econometrics)
Manufacturer: Springer
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0792330595 |
Book Description
Government and Markets is the first book to tackle systematically and in a multidisciplinary fashion the role of democratic governments during and after the transition from plan to market. The role of governments during the transformation is important for eliminating the obstacles and putting into place the conditions for the emergence of a viable market economy. Moreover, governments need to play a key role in establishing a political-legal order that promotes political liberties and economic freedom. In contrast to other literature on the transformation process in formerly planned systems, this volume focuses also on the creation of autonomous and accountable governments as part of the liberal economic order. Finally, the volume analyzes the role of the legal state in creating a competitive market economy.
Government and Markets addresses itself to scholars, politicians policy makers interested in the establishment of a democratic, competitive order in formerly planned political economic systems.
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- Important critique on neoliberalism and democracy
- Clear, comprehensive, and compelling
- Missed the point
- A well written book on eastern Europe and democracy
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Out of the Red : Building Capitalism and Democracy in Postcommunist Europe
Mitchell Alexander Orenstein
Manufacturer: University of Michigan Press
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ASIN: 0472097466 |
Book Description
After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the countries of East-Central Europe embarked on a journey to transform themselves into democratic capitalist societies. Their governments searched for strategies that would allow them to pursue radical market reforms within the context of nascent democratic politics. Poland adopted a neoliberal strategy that attempted to push through as much reform as possible before an antireform backlash could occur. In the Czech Republic, a social liberal strategy for transformation attempted to combine neoliberal macro-economic policies with social democratic measures designed to avert such a backlash.
A detailed analysis of Poland and the Czech Republic suggests that alternation between strategies has been the secret to the success of East-Central European countries.
This comparative case analysis identifies the significance of reform mistakes during transition and the corrective benefits of policy alternation, its claims illustrated with an in-depth study of privatization policy in the two countries.
Mitchell A. Orenstein delves into the historic struggle to build capitalism and democracy during a decade of post- communist transition in East-Central Europe and develops a model that explains why democratic policy alternation may accelerate policy learning under conditions of uncertainty and constraint.
Out of the Red is accessible to a general audience and as such is suitable for both graduate and undergraduate courses on political economy. It will be of particular interest to economists, political scientists, sociologists, students of postcommunism, and anyone interested in the relations between capitalism and democracy in the contemporary world.
Mitchell A. Orenstein is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Syracuse University.
Customer Reviews:
Important critique on neoliberalism and democracy.......2001-11-27
Orenstein's book provides a compelling critique of neoliberal strategies implemented in Poland and the Czech Republic emphasizing the underappreciated role of democratic change in policy reform. He clearly outlines his arguments for what he calls "policy alternation" providing substantial evidence of 1) its existence and 2) its effect on policy. As a student of East European studies I found the book to be extremely useful in painting a clear picture of the policymaking process in these two post-communist countries and in filling in many gaps in the relevant literature. The book is very approachable and I highly recommend it to those interested in post-communist democracies - scholars and casual observers alike.
Clear, comprehensive, and compelling.......2001-11-21
The reviewer from New Brunswick, NJ is totally off base and shows remarkably little sign of actually having read the book. Out of the Red is not about "a bad neoliberal Poland and a good social democratic Czech Rep." Instead, the book argues that democratic policy alternation since 1989 has led to better economic performance in both countries, and that Poland has benefited more than the Czech Republic from policy learning as a result of more policy alternations in recent years. Moreover, democratic policy alternations have had such positive effects because the two countries share a common goal - membership of the European Union. Out of the Red offers a subtle and nuanced argument, with rich descriptions, and does not characterize either country as good or bad. In addition, the book is exceptionally well-written and provides a clear and comprehensive analysis of what has happened in these transition countries over the past ten years. It's a must read for anyone interested in the contemporary politics of economic reform.
Missed the point.......2001-11-17
The book is a story of a bad neoliberal Poland and a good social democratic Czech Rep. During the transition. Author begins with the claim that the success of reforms depends on policies and not initial conditions. A poor comparative frame to prove this: Poland's initial conditions were much worse than those in Czech republic indeed. Take foreign debt and hyperinflation for example. The most important, what the author portrays as a social liberal approach in Czech Republic turned out to be a combination of short-term policies to avoid unpopular policies that caused a major economic downturn in Czech Rep. since 1996. Indeed, it was the first country in the region to go into the second post-transition recession! The author's scheme does not explain some obvious facts:
1) Poland experienced the lowest GDP decline and enjoyed the fastest and the most robust recovery in the whole post-Communist world.
2) The amount of social spending to GDP actually grew in Poland during first years of transition.
3) Czech privatization scheme turn out to be a disaster in terms of investment and corporate governance: the companies replaced FDI with acummulation of debts from the banks inside and outside the country, which put a pressure on Czech currency and caused its collapse in 1997.The lack of clear owners did not allow to turn around companies and profitability slipped - so did the employment (so much for socially-oriented policies).
4) "Social liberalism" in Czech Republic was financed from abroad and brought forward acummulation of foreign debt per capita much higher than it is now in Poland: in the beginning of transformation Czech was virtually debt-free.
5) After Czech government was no longer able to purchase social stability on credit card, unemployment soared.
6) Czech privatization worked the way to make the banking sector responsible for the liabilities of the rockbottom companies (Many banks controlled investment funds that acummulated vouchers). As a result, savings were hurt.
7) After bad liberals were removed in Poland, social democrats continued their policy course: for what reason?
8) The much-trumpeted "Strategy for Poland" of Kolodko, mentioned by Orenstein, proved to be a cosmetic alteration of the neoliberal policies. BTW, today it is the left again that imposes fiscal discipline in Poland.
Overall, the book gives an inadequate picture on what happened in the region during transition. It is, however, a good record of the basic misconceptions in the debate about transformation and neoliberalism in general. I would still recommend to read it because of this.
A well written book on eastern Europe and democracy.......2001-10-01
I bought _Out of the Red_ because I have a general interest in the relation between capitalism and democracy and in eastern Europe. It turned out to be one of the most interesting and enjoyable books I've read in a long time. First, the writing is terrific: it's not only clear and straightforward, but also really punchy, with a marvelous sense of irony. I'm sure it would be more than appropriate for undergraduate readers in terms of its style and approach. Second, the thesis really shed new light for me on the different strategies countries in eastern Europe have taken in their transition to capitalism and democracy, specifically Poland and the Czech Republic. The basic idea, as I see it (though I'm not expert in the field), starts with the assertion that Poland and the Czech Republic took contrasting approaches to their political and economic transitions, especially in the area of privitization policy, on which the author focuses a whole chapter. Where Poland followed a "shock therapy" route, the Czech Republic provided more of a social safety net to maintain popular support for "neoliberal" reform policies (the author calls this a "social liberal" route to reform). Here's where it gets interesting. The author suggests that the Polish reformers in instituting shock therapy under conditions of political democracy were able to learn from their mistakes when the social difficulties their policies produced brought their political opponents to power (a rise that, later, produced a pendulum swing in the opposite direction, once again toward shock therapy). In the Czech Republic, in contrast, the political stability created when the government instituted both neoliberal and "cohesion-oriented" policies at the same time actually extended the life of bad policies. The author calls the process by which, under conditions of democracy, eastern European policy reformers have learned from their mistakes, with the pendulum of reform swinging from "neoliberal" to "social liberal" policies and back again, "democratic policy alternation." "Eastern Central European countries that have succeeded in the transformation to capitalism and democracy," the author writes, "have done so not by sticking to a single strategy of reform, but rather by vigorous policy alternation and learning." This was really fascinating to me, and it seems to have implications far beyond its immediate subject, in political science, economics, policy, law, and even "information science" and "knowledge work." A terrific read and a very interesting book!
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Shaping Change: Strategies of Transformation
Germany) Bertelsmann Stiftung (Gutersloh
Manufacturer: Royal Institute of International Affairs
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ASIN: 3892045860 |
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Social Democracy and Labour Market Policy: Developments in Britain and Germany (Routledge Research in Comparative Politics, 4)
Knut Roder
Manufacturer: Routledge
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ASIN: 0415299772 |
Book Description
This topical study reflects on problems faced by social democratic parties in government when espousing policies of severe pragmatism and fiscal prudence, and provides a perspective to both parties' changes in labor market policies.
Customer Reviews:
Masterly work!.......2003-07-13
Knut Roder's in-depth analysis of labour market policies of the British Labour Party and German Social Democratic Party in the last two decades is a masterly account of the changes, and electoral consequences. Focusing on one of the core policy areas of any political party, but in particular of Social Democrats, the author applies interesting methodological approaches, which not only prove the significance of policy change in this field for electoral success or failure, but also show interesting similarities between the two parties. Roder has put a lot of effort in, and he has spoken to many key protagonists in both parties, including several former party leaders.
Whilst not easy to read, the book should nonetheless be studied by any student interested in the areas of party systems and the Third Way politics.
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Building democracy and the rule of law: from Moses the law giver to World Bank conditionality?(Book Review): An article from: Polity
David Fagelson
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ASIN: B0008216EO
Release Date: 2005-07-31 |
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Polity, published by Northeastern Political Science Association on October 1, 2003. The length of the article is 6652 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Building democracy and the rule of law: from Moses the law giver to World Bank conditionality?(Book Review)
Author: David Fagelson
Publication:
Polity (Refereed)
Date: October 1, 2003
Publisher: Northeastern Political Science Association
Volume: 36
Issue: 1
Page: 139(13)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
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