Average customer rating:
- Excellent and Informative
- The most essential modern book on American government
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Basic American Government
Clarence B. Carson
Manufacturer: Blackstone Audiobooks
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ASIN: 0786107960 |
Customer Reviews:
Excellent and Informative.......2005-08-14
Dr. Carson has done an excellent job covering the history and philosophy of the U.S. Government.
Section 1 Intro. and Examination of American Gov.
Section 2 Background of Political Thought and Practice.
Section 3 American Gov. in the 19th Century
Section 4 American Gov. in the 20th Century (Also entitled: Leviathan)
Well documented facts and insightful. Dr. Carson gives insights into plenty of quotes from the Founders and other significant figures in history. Cetaintly worth the money and time of its readers.
The most essential modern book on American government.......2000-04-02
Now out of print and available only as a series of audiotapes, « Basic American Government » was initially published as a massive 480-page volume, not counting the notes, glossary, index, and the 60 pages of firsthand documents such as the Declaration of Independence, The Federalist N°10 or the Constitution itself. Its author, Clarence Carson, is the author of more than 500 articles and about 15 fifteen books, including a six-volume history of the United States.
The book is divided into four sections : - Section 1 (35p) deals with the basic principles of the American system of government. It starts by reminding the reader that the United States, contrary to the platitudes that are mouthed by today's journalists and politicians, « is not a democracy. It is a Constitutional Federated Republic. » Carson then goes on to explain what these concepts of « constitution », « republic » and « federalism » mean exactly, thus presenting the « sum and substance » of American govenment. - Section 2 (150p) delves into the intellectual background of the American political system, from authorities such as Aristotle to the English heritage of the 17th and 18th century, including 12 pages on John Locke, Trenchard and Gordon, William Blackstone and Adam Smith alone. The American colonial experience, the American Revolution and the Constitutional Convention are then summarized, but of course with much less detail than in Carson's « Basic History of the United States » or his « Rebirth of Liberty ». - Section 3 (130p) traces the evolution of the American system of government in the 19th century, from the establishment of the Federal Government after the ratification of the Constitution through the major decisions of the Supreme Court and the upheaval of the Civil War and Recontruction. - Section 4 (135p) deals with the 20th century and the advent of Leviathan (or big government), examining how socialism, by deliberately refusing to call itself by that name, entered the American mainstream ; and how Franklin D. Roosevelt « broke the constitutional dam » with his New Deal and the Court Packing Plan of 1937- a process culminating in a government that has become « out of control ».
First published in 1993, Clarence Carson's masterful volume « Basic American Government » ranks among his best, and is to my knowledge the most profound, principled and systematic treatment of the subject ever printed- far better than R.V. Denenberg's « Understanding American Politics », and incomparably superior to David Cushman Coyle's pitiful « The United States Political System and How it Works».
True to the founding principles of the Founding Fathers, enlightened by a genuine understanding of economic principles (Carson is well-read in both the classical economists and the Austrians, and is the author of a helpful treatise on « Basic Economics »), it opens with what I consider to be the most powerful statement ever printed on the current condition of the US government : « It would be considerable fraud to do a book on American government which talked as if the Constitution were still being substantially observed, that pretended that when Presidents took the oath of office they intended to observe the bounds set by the Constitution, that Congressmen recited their pledges with the same intent, and that Federal judges were still construing the Constitution as it was written. In sum, any book on American government worthy of the name ought to make clear how remote from the Constitution the government has become. »
Carson's own suggestions as to how to restore the integrity of the US political system are extremely simple. As he says, the text of the Constitution itself is still intact, so what is necessary is merely to make US government officials obey it. Did you know for instance that, in the Constitution, « there is no authority granted to levy taxes or to contract debts to provide for any foreign country » and that « the United States is specified alone as the beneficiary for all tax collections » ? (p445) More specifically, Carson suggests repealing the 17th Amendment (which undermined the federal system by reducing the power of the states to check the central government) and making it a treason for any US government official to betray the Constitution.
In other words, the way for Americans to bring the government back to its function of protecting their rights to « life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness » is simply to make their servants obey the charter which was initially adopted to limit their powers.
Book Description
A political scientist at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government analyzes how public policy is made in this country-and why the system works so much better than most people believe.
Customer Reviews:
Positive approach and full of hope and excitement.......1999-11-21
I believe that Mr. Kelman has a refreshing and unique approach to government and the direction it needs to head. Facing the many difficult challenges in today's society, Kelman's approach is one that needs to be recognized and implimented. People in general believe in their government. If not, explain that to the many government employees who proudly serve this great nation whether it is in local government or in our armed services. Mr. Kelman, thank you for your approach!
Reinforces the notion that government knows best.......1996-11-15
Kelman is preachy and high-handed as he equates self-interest with selfishness. He calls for "public spirit" as a credo for government officials, and refuses to acknowledge that the rewards received through service of others may provide sufficient motivation for leaders to serve the public interest. If one subscribes to Maslow's theory of self-actualization as the highest form of human fulfillment, one will have a difficult time reconcilng Kelman's approach
Book Description
Whatever your background, if you seek an understanding of the legal system of the United States, this is the book for you. American Law in a Global Context is an elegant and erudite introduction to the American legal system from a global perspective. It covers the law and lawyering tools taught in the first year of law school, explaining the underlying concepts and techniques of the common law used in U.S. legal practice. The ideas central to the development and practice of American law, as well as constitutional law, contracts, property, criminal law, and courtroom procedure, are all presented in their historical and intellectual contexts, accessible to the novice but with insight that will inform the expert. Actual cases illuminate each major subject, engaging readers in the legal process and the arguments between real people that make American law an ever-evolving system. George P. Fletcher and Steve Sheppard's exciting approach contrasts the American legal system with other legal systems, especially those of continental Europe. This comparison illuminates the core concepts of US law, making them easily understandable to readers from other systems, and offering a unique perspective on American law as part of global network of laws. Designed to help the foreign student grasp the basic ideas of pedagogy, legal institutions, and substantive law in the US, appendices include an introduction to the common law method, instruction on how to read a case, and the interpretation of statutes. Based on the course for lawyers from across the globe studying American law at Columbia University, this cutting edge volume makes the basics of American legal education accessible to students and the public worldwide. A must-own reference source for LLM students, undergraduates, and students of US law in other countries.
Customer Reviews:
BSOS Review Vol. 15 No.7 (July 2005), pp.617-620.......2005-11-15
Reviewed by Kirk A. Randazzo, Department of Political Science, University of Kentucky. Email: Kirk.Randazzo@uky.edu
As scholars of the law increasingly turn their attention to countries beyond the United States, they readily discover significant differences across a myriad of legal issues, including the development of legal doctrine, the application of precedent, and the evolution of the contemporary legal environment. Yet, we often take for granted that individuals will be familiar with the principles of U.S. common law. Thankfully, George Fletcher and Steve Sheppard do not make this assumption. Rather, their book AMERICAN LAW IN A GLOBAL CONTEXT, examines the foundations and evolution of common law in the United States, with an explicit focus on an audience not familiar with these aspects. As they state early on, "these materials grew out of three years' experience teaching cases to the incoming class of LLM students at Columbia University" (p.ix). Though this is not a research oriented text per se, it should be on the reading lists of those individuals contemplating law school, especially individuals with a limited knowledge of American law.
The organization of the book is straightforward, beginning with a general discussion comparing common law to civil law. Then, the authors move into a section on the development of legal authority, which includes chapters on the notion of equality and freedom, due process and federalism. The third section explores the evolution of common law in non-criminal areas, such as property, equity, contract, and tort. Finally, the authors explore common law as it relates to criminal issues. In each chapter, Fletcher and Sheppard begin by providing definitions of various concepts and discussing how they compare to their civil law counterparts. After these discussions, the authors provide actual cases to illustrate the concepts as they are applied in legal decisions. It is obvious that the authors spent a good deal of time identifying appropriate cases for inclusion, as each serves as a good example of the specific concept in question. Additionally, the authors provide numerous open-ended discussion questions after the case illustration to help readers identify key relationships and work through unresolved issues.
For example, in the first chapter on comparing common law to civil law, Fletcher and Sheppard begin with an examination of the writings of Sir Edward Coke and Sir William Blackstone, both considered founders of the English Common Law. To help illustrate the foundations of common law, the authors make reference to the case SCOTT v. SHEPHERD (1773), which involved "trespass and assault for throwing, casting, and tossing a lighted squib at and against the plaintiff, and striking him therewith on the face, and [*618] so burning one of his eyes, that he lost the sight of it" (p.21). After reproducing the case, the authors list a series of questions and comments designed to draw particular attention to important issues. One question asks readers to summarize the legal position of one of the attorneys; another comments on the differences between common law, civil (Roman) law and canon (church) law. These questions and comments are listed in addition to questions pertaining to the disposition of the case. In sum, the use of actual cases and thoughtful questions/comments in this combination helps the reader explore the various nuances of English common law. Consequently, this serves as a suitable introductory chapter. The remaining chapters of the first section explore specific aspects of the civil legal tradition: the prominence of statutes, the use of case law, and the incorporation of scholarly authority; interpretation of various legal concepts, including due process, policy, fairness, reasonableness, deference, and discretion; and finally, an examination of legal reasoning within common law that focuses on deduction and analogy, stare decisis and precedent versus dicta, and statutory interpretation.
The second section, labeled "Constitutional Identity," compares aspects of American common law to their closest match in the European civil law traditions. For example, the authors liken the U.S. Constitution to the "American national code" (p.109) as a way to create a frame of reference for unfamiliar readers. After reproducing the Constitutional text and the Bill of Rights, Fletcher and Sheppard set up a number of pointed questions, such as "the German Basic Law (constitution) begins by claiming that it binds alle stalliche Gewalt (`all state power'). Does this document bind all state power in the United States?" or, "how is the Supreme Court different from a constitutional court on the European continent?" (p.129). These questions compel a reader to think seriously about the interbranch relationships established by the U.S. Constitution, and provide a good comparison to civil law traditions and foundations of authority.
In Chapter Eight, the authors provide an interesting argument on the origins of American common law. They preface the argument by stating that "on many questions of American law, there are two or more answers: the dominant view of the case law of scholarly opinion and many dissenting views" (p.173). They offer this preface to help describe the notion of an "alternative constitution" that began as a dissenting view and evolved into a dominating position. In supporting this argument, the authors note that the Constitution is the third document in a series that established the United States; the first two documents are the Declaration of Independence and the Articles of Confederation. Though the Constitution explicitly replaced the Articles of Confederation as the primary source of law, neither nullified the Declaration of Independence. As such, the authors inquire, "what is the relationship between the Declaration and the Constitution?" (p.173). This question implies that certain ideas exist in a broader legal sense that may not have been explicitly included in the Constitution. While the authors hint an answer through various discussion questions and inclusion of language from the Gettysburg Address, the Reconstruction Amendments, and cases like STRAUDER v. WEST VIRGINIA [*619] (1879) and the CIVIL RIGHTS CASES (1883), they do not explicitly nor extensively discuss the notion of an "alternative constitution." Thus, the reader is left alone to determine the credibility of this argument. Given the potentially serious implications of this contention, I would have preferred a more unambiguous discussion from the authors with their conclusions about the development of the "alternative constitution." And, since the text is oriented toward individuals not familiar with American common law, a more specific discussion of this notion is essential to their understanding of the evolution and development of law in the United States.
The third section explores the evolution of American common law in the non-criminal sense. Twelve chapters are devoted to concepts such as property, contract, tort, and the American civil trial. The chapters in this section succinctly explain the various concepts and provide numerous details and specific cases to fully illustrate particular ideas. Yet, one chapter seems out of place: in Chapter Twenty-Three, the authors explore briefly the law and economics field. However, while the other chapters present relatively objective information, this chapter contains an overt bias against economic models of law. For example, Fletcher and Sheppard state that "economic theorists of law are lumpers rather than splitters. They see similarities but downplay conceptual differences. They blur the meaning of causation, of property, and of liability. . . Arguments of lumping generate a temporary sense of understanding. . . [Yet,] the price of this understanding is a widespread debasing of the language. Without precise language, careful thought and argument come to an end" (p.470).
I do not wish to engage in a debate over the law and economics field, nor point out the numerous contributions these analyses provide (which the authors neglect to discuss in great detail). I mention this chapter simply because its tone is significantly different from the remaining portions of the book. Throughout the text, the authors present information in an unbiased manner. Even the questions at the end of each chapter challenge the reader to formulate an opinion independent of the authors' perspective. Yet, Chapter Twenty-Three deviates from this pattern, instead offering a normative argument against economic legal theories. In a volume that claims to help readers "seek an understanding of the legal system of the United States" (p.3), the overtly biased discussion presented in this chapter seems misplaced.
Finally, to help explain the development of criminal law in the United States, Fletcher and Sheppard rely on the 1987 New York state case, PEOPLE v. BERNHARD GOETZ. This notable incident (at least according to the U.S. news media) involved the shooting of four black youths by Goetz (a white male) on a New York subway. The authors provide an initial description of the facts surrounding this incident, to set the stage for a discussion of several questions, such as "What crimes do you charge against Goetz?" and "How do you defend Goetz against these charges?" In the course of this discussion (which continues across three chapters), the authors focus on a myriad of issues. First, they address the nature of the adversarial system in the United States [*620] and compare it to the historical European inquisitorial system and the more contemporary accusatorial system. Next they discuss various rules of evidence, the jury system, and separation of conviction from sentencing. The authors then conclude this section with a discussion of rules and norms related to self-defense, comparing the evolution of domestic regulations in the United States to the development of international law.
In conclusion, I believe this is a well-written volume that accomplishes its stated goal-to help familiarize readers with the American common law. It is a text that I will strongly encourage my students to read, if they wish to pursue a legal education.
Good introduction.......2005-09-09
American Law In A Global Context is a good introduction to basic principles of American law. It covers most topics studied by law students in their first year of law school, and translates them into short chapters stressing the essential principles. It is interesting to notice that, while the topics treated in the book are very diverse, the authors manage to show links between the different areas of the (complex) American legal system.
I would however only recommend this book to those who have an advanced interest in American law, and look to get (only) the necessary basics to build on. Why? The authors leave the reader with many unanswered questions, be it through an incomplete treatment of the subject (while a lot of basic principles are explained, the treatment of the subjects remain in the end very basic, and it is obvious that the authors had to choose what to insert in their book) or through questions explicitly mentioned after cases or other materials introduced in the book. These (explicitly mentioned) questions are interesting and stimulate the reader who is willing to invest some time to think about these issues, but they can be frustrating to somebody who only wants to be introduced to the basics of American law without having to inquire further.
Hence, it overall is a good read for anyone with a strong interest in the basics of American law.
Book Description
This brief no-nonsense introduction to American government has been a long-time student favorite because of its lively approach to the basics.
Customer Reviews:
Well written book.......1999-11-30
This book is a well developed book for those who are learning the basics of politics. The book is very simple to understand, and you will be able to learn alot from it.
Book Description
This is actually a collection of position papers originally delivered at the conference on "Discrimination Against the Indigenous Populations of the Americas" hosted by the Non-Governmental Organizations of the United Nations in Geneva in 1977. These papers present a compelling critique of Western Culture and an eloquent text on the rights of Indigenous nations. New material by John Mohawk, Chief Oren Lyons, and José Barreiro give background information on the events leading up to this meeting, a historical perspective on the struggle for self-determination by Indgenous peoples, and a look to a new era of possibility for Native nations. Not many books portray the heart and courage of so many people in one volume.
Customer Reviews:
A good way to understand the plea of native nations........2004-06-12
The plea of the Hau de no sau nee Nations to the UN in 1977 that exposes the oppression of natives by civilization. The tone is amazingly candid, true, and determined. A good read despite poor editing.
Longhouse Manifesto.......2003-12-10
This collection of position papers from the Haudenosaunee does a lot more than outline the values and traditions of the People of the Longhouse. It comprises an historical assay of Western Civilization and a political manifesto for all people who would choose to end the legacy of colonialism. An ancient nation that has existed in peace in prosperity without recourse to laws and jails, the Haudenosaunee were the first to establish a league of "United Nations" to ensure peace, harmony and respect among disparate groups of people. Incidentally, it was their pact, the Iroquois Confederacy, which inspired the government of the United States of America. Of particular notice in this collection was the last paper, "A Basic Call to Consciousness," which succinctly outlines the original instructions given to the Haudenosaunee by the Creator of Life; the destructive processes which are eradicating their way of life and most life on the planet; and lastly the Haudenosaunee strategy for survival. Absolutely essential for anyone who wishes to better understand and change the oppressive, exploitive, and destructive traditions which drive Western Civilization, I cannot over recommend this book.
Average customer rating:
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Basic Principles of American Government
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ASIN: 0877208778 |
Book Description
Back to Basics for the Republican Party is the acclaimed history of the GOP from the civil rights perspective.
Customer Reviews:
Good revelation and more can be added.......2007-07-27
Michael Zak's book was fascinating and made me wish it was a textbook used for high school and college students. In reading the comments, I see that some things did not appear in his book that were unfavorable to Republicans. That is unfortunate, and more study should be placed beside this book. It is a good read! It'll open many eyes.
It's a GOP infomercial.......2006-09-01
I myself am a Black Republican, so I agree with Mr. Zak that the GOP's history on civil rights has not been fairly told. However, this book makes the same 2 errors that most GOP loyalists make when discussing Blacks and the GOP: 1) they oversimplify the ideology of the early Republicans and abolitionists. For example, notably missing from Mr. Zak's book are the following facts:that Herbert Hoover (Republican) was the first president to refuse to address the NAACP's convention, that Carter G. Woodson-the Founder of Black History Month-became so disappointed with the GOP that in the late 1920's he publicly stated that Blacks should stop being blindly loyal to the GOP, that soon after Reconstruction the GOP condoned the formation in the South of racially segregated GOP organizations, called the Lily Whites and the Black & Tans;that beginning in the 1870's Republican candidates lost elections in some Northern states because the Radical Republicans' idea of perfect equality was not embraced by most Whites, not even by most Republicans; that Lincoln was NOT a Radical Republican, he was a moderate who had ALWAYS discussed freeing the slaves ONLY in conjunction with deporting them to another country, for Lincoln openly declared that Blacks were inferior to Whites; that after the Civil War the GOP was weak nationally-since the founding of the GOP America has had 4 presidents who won by electoral vote but lost the popular vote, and all 4 were Republicans (Harrison, Hayes, Garfield, and Bush); that not all Republicans or abolitionists believed in racial equality, in fact most did NOT, they believed ONLY in ending slavery, and even on that issue they disagreed on the reasons, some were against slavery for moral reasons, others because they feared slave revolts, others because slavery competed with White labor, others because they wanted the good farmland used for more than just cotton. 2) they leave out much of how/why Blacks left the GOP in the first place: Mr. Zak's book does lay blame at the feet of Barry Goldwater, but overlooks the fact that Goldwater's victory in the GOP presidential primary obviusly says something about the views of rank and file Republicans in 1964-national civil rights legislation was clearly not a priority for most Republican voters in 1964, else Goldwater could not have won. Goldwater was just the icing on the cake. Beginning in the 1870's, the GOP began taking the Black vote for granted precisely because the Democrats were such vicious racists. Mr. Zak's book points out how the Democrats were at one point synonymous with the KKK, but he overlooks the obvious political implication for Black voters-if their only 2 choices were between the GOP and the Klan, it was an easy decision. Blacks voted for the GOP because they feared voting for the Democrats, this led to the GOP taking the Black vote for granted as the GOP moved further away from civil rights issues in order to attract more White voters, feeling confident that in doing so it would not lose Black voters. Today, it's the Democrats who take the Black vote for granted, because most Black voters are afraid of the GOP-the tables have turned.
As a Black Republican who is pro civil rights, I think what we need is a balanced review of history. This book is not balanced. Throughout history minorities have been used by the dominant group like a political footbal, and Blacks in America are no different. I'm working with some other Black Republicans to prepare a balanced view of Blacks and the GOP told from the Black perspective, not the perspective of a party loyalist.
A must read for all conservatives.......2006-08-31
As the chairman of the fastest growing and most active Young Republican group in my tri-state area I need books like this to more quicky educate conservatives. Whether candidate, supporter, or voter it is pertinent to understand the core values of Republicanism as well as our rich history. Back to Basics for the Republican Party is a terrific book about our values and history. It is in a must-read for all Republicans. Our principals are ever lasting yet without knowing and applying them we cannot truly unite and maintain the way of life our forefathers fought for. My challenge to every individual and campaign: Purchase, read, and pass around Back to Basics for the Republican Party.
Required Reading by All Republican Activists.......2006-08-01
"Back to Basics for the Republican Party" is the most important book written about the Republican Party in a couple of decades and the most helpful book for "working and involved" Republicans in 40 years. I thoroughly enjoyed it. This should be required reading for every Republican Activist, Member, Leader, and Candidate. Republicans have lost too many verbal, public relation battles to Democrats. This will arm you and enable you to defeat your left-wing opponents. By learning our heritage, we will win over the American people, especially the younger generation. Kim, Madison, Wisconsin
Must Read for Educators!.......2006-04-24
Once I started reading this book, I couldn't put it down. Mr. Zak provides a rich overview of how Republican commitment to the U.S. Constitution and the free enterprise system have been prevailing themes since formation of the "Party of Lincoln." As a certified public school teacher I have been amazed at the blatant bias of so many textbooks, and particularly appreciate the comprehensive six pages of references provided with this entertaining and enlightened volume. It puts every U.S. president into perspective and gives credit where credit is due for elected officials of both parties. Buy it now and discover what you can teach beyond popular historical myths!
Customer Reviews:
Letter from Independence Mall, Phil., PA.......2000-05-16
"It's probably the best thing George Carey ever worked on." "It's one of the most important books I ever read." "It changed the way I think about America."
Willmoore Kendall's classic work, The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition, provides an understanding which can only be described as refreshing of the political and cultural tradition out of which the Philadelphia Constitution was forged, and The United States of America was founded. Basic Symbols seeks to determine what propositions and ideals America was founded upon, and is thus committed to, and whether these are the ideals currently accepted as true, and often presented as neatly summed up in the Bill of Rights and in that well worn understanding of that passage of the Declaration of Independence: "...all men are created equal... ." Basic Symbols warns that the true tradition may seem anathema to some modern historians and Americans alike who wished it weren't so, but Basic Symbols sets out to present the truth anyway.
This single volume of political science and historical inquiry handily challenges the traditional orthodoxy, or the ignorance, that surrounds the founding in a novel manner: by a close inspection of the facts, and more importantly, the application of the analytical method-the hermeneutic-of Erik Voegelin, to the facts. Kendall's book is almost worth the read just to see the theories and teachings of Erik Voegelin briefly explicated and then put into fruitful action, and if nothing else, Basic Symbols can serve as a spring board for further study not into debates about America's founding, but into the works of this important yet often overlooked historian.
Kendall starts with the Mayflower Compact of (1620), and then examines the General Orders of Connecticut(1638), the Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay(1641), the Virginia Declaration of Rights(1776), our own Declaration of Independence(1776), the Constitution(1787-1789) and finally the Bill of Rights(1789). Kendall slowly teases out a common thread--our tradition--that runs its course, unfolds, and develops over this stretch of time and through these early experiences and experiments in self-government on this side of the Atlantic. Basic Symbols also tackles in this time span, and in the history of America since, a problem common to all political traditions: derailment.
Basic Symbols identifies the Gettysburg address as a watershed in the political tradition of America, made possible by a partial derailment in the years preceding the Civil War. Today, the two incompatible traditions are still with us and their friction is at the root of much of our present day political discord; so much so that to ask and seek the answer to the question, "What is the tradition amongst us?" is the very reason why Basic Symbols was written.
Rather than the rights-speak and emphasis upon rights that has grown out of the elevation of the Bill of Rights, and the tortured understanding of 'equality' that has sprung from the Declaration, Basic Symbols instead proffers a formidable, and well supported, alternative; the true tradition amongst us holds (or held) the supremacy of the general political will of the community; the legislature through which this is expressed in a very slow, careful, and deliberative fashion; a virtuous people from which these governing bodies are elected, and the concomitant conviction of a virtuous people in a higher law than that of any secular government.
Basic Symbols notes that any mention of rights, any ethos of equality, etc., are nowhere to be found in our tradition as founding symbols; they were understood as only the possible concerns for the deliberations of a political community after the establishment of its aims and purposes. Thus, they are not the starting points from which the uniquely American order and tradition is defined. This explains why all forms of variants on "the common good," "better ordering...and preservation," were the starting points for, and of paramount importance to, the drafters of everything from the Mayflower Compact to our own Constitution. Kendall does well to further point out why the Bill of Rights was opposed to a man by the framers of the Constitution, lending only more support to his thesis. His analysis of the Declaration and the true meaning of "...all men are created equal..." places the Declaration and the Founding in a whole new light: the light of the American political tradition he identifies which provides a better explication and understanding of these documents, much like a better fitting solution to a puzzle. And this is just to name a few of the most important points. Kendall does well to document and explain the meaning, significance, and importance of all the symbols he identifies as having a place in the American political tradition.
The loss of many of the qualities the framers and the Federalist Papers thought necessary for the preservation of the republic and our liberty can leave some readers of Basic Symbols feeling as though the framers were not as wise as they are often made out to be; perhaps their underlying premises were wrong or have since been perverted, and the American experiment has proven to be a failure.
Maybe you'll disagree with the tradition Kendall portrays, or deem it no longer relevant, but if you do read it, one thing is certain; you will come away from this book as Gary Wills describes how the crowd walked off from the Gettysburg Address: "...under a changed sky, into a different America."
Letter from Independence Mall, Phil. PA.......2000-05-09
"It's probably the best thing George Carey ever worked on." "It's one of the most important books I ever read." "It changed the way I think about America." Willmoore Kendall's classic work, The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition, provides an understanding which can only be described as refreshing of the political and cultural tradition out of which the Philadelphia Constitution was forged, and The United States of America was founded. Basic Symbols seeks to determine what propositions and ideals America was founded upon, and is thus committed to, and whether these are the ideals currently accepted as true, and often presented as neatly summed up in the Bill of Rights and in that well worn understanding of that passage of the Declaration of Independence: "all men are created equal... ." Basic Symbols warns that the true tradition may seem anathema to some modern historians and Americans alike who wished it weren't so, but Basic Symbols sets out to present the truth anyway. This single volume of political science and historical inquiry handily challenges the traditional orthodoxy, or the ignorance, that surrounds the founding in a novel manner: by a close inspection of the facts, and more importantly, the application of the analytical method-the hermeneutic-of Erik Voegelin, to the facts. Kendall's book is almost worth the read just to see the theories and teachings of Erik Voegelin briefly explicated and then put into fruitful action, and if nothing else, Basic Symbols can serve as a spring board for further study not into debates about America's founding, but into the works of this important yet often overlooked historian. Kendall starts with the Mayflower Compact of (1620), and then examines the General Orders of Connecticut(1638), the Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay(1641), the Virginia Declaration of Rights(1776), our own Declaration of Independence(1776), the Constitution(1787-1789) and finally the Bill of Rights(1789). Kendall slowly teases out a common thread that runs its course, unfolds, and develops over this stretch of time and through these early experiences and experiments in self-government on this side of the Atlantic. Basic Symbols also tackles in this time span, and in the history of America since, a problem common to all political traditions: derailment. Basic Symbols identifies the Gettysburg address as a watershed in the political tradition of America, made possible by a partial derailment in the years preceding the Civil War. Today, the two incompatible traditions are still with us and their friction is at the root of much of our present day political discord; so much so that to ask and seek the answer to the question, "What is the tradition amongst us?" is the very reason why Basic Symbols was written. Rather than the rights-speak and emphasis upon rights that has grown out of the elevation of the Bill of Rights, and the tortured understanding of 'equality' that has sprung from the Declaration, Basic Symbols instead proffers a formidable, and well supported, alternative; the true tradition amongst us holds (or held) the supremacy of the general political will of the community; the legislature through which this is expressed in a very slow, careful, and deliberative fashion; a virtuous people from which these governing bodies are elected, and the concomitant conviction of a virtuous people in a higher law than that of any secular government. Basic Symbols notes that any mention of rights, any ethos of equality, etc., are nowhere to be found in our tradition as founding symbols; they were understood as only the possible concerns for the deliberations of a political community after the establishment of its aims and purposes. Thus, they are not the starting points from which the uniquely American order and tradition is defined. This explains why all forms of variants on "the common good," "better ordering and preservation," were the starting points for, and of paramount importance to, the drafters of everything from the Mayflower Compact to our own Constitution. And this is just to name a few of the most important points. Kendall does well to document and explain the meaning, significance, and importance of all the symbols he identifies as having a place in the American political tradition. The loss of many of the qualities the framers and the Federalist Papers thought necessary for the preservation of the republic and our liberty can leave some readers of Basic Symbols feeling as though the framers were not as wise as they are often made out to be; perhaps their underlying premises were wrong or have since been perverted, and the American experiment has proven to be a failure. Maybe you'll disagree with the tradition Kendall portrays, or deem it no longer relevant, but if you do read it, one thing is certain; you will come away from this book as Gary Wills describes how the crowd walked off from the Gettysburg Address: "...under a changed sky, into a different America."
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Contradiction and Conflict: The Popular Church in Nicaragua
Debra Sabia
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