Book Description
Six years' worth of symposiums come together in this rich collection of essays that plot a course for African Americans, explaining how individuals and households can make changes that will immediately improve their circumstances in areas ranging from health and education to crime reduction and financial well-being. Addressing these pressing concerns are contributors Dr. David Satcher, former U.S. surgeon general; Wade Henderson, executive director of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights; Angela Glover Blackwell, founder of the research think tank PolicyLink; and Cornel West, professor of Religion at Princeton University. Each chapter outlines one key issue and provides a list of resources, suggestions for action, and a checklist for what concerned citizens can do to keep their communities progressing socially, politically, and economically. Though the African American community faces devastating social disparities—in which more than 8 million people live in poverty—this celebration of possibility, hope, and strength will help leaders and citizens keep Black America moving forward.
Customer Reviews:
Not what I'd expected...but still a good piece of information.......2007-09-25
I had expected so much more from this book I guess. Not that it was a bad read, it really wasn't, it just wasn't what I had expected. The ideals and processes outlined are very basic, with some direction to make it happen. It falls in line with many of the other books I have read in the past on money management, professional growth, etc., except it is targeted to the African American community and the plight these issues have on the community and family structure in Black America. I suggest this book if you do not have a collection of "self help" book on your shelf. I suggest this book if you want to know what the plight of the Black American is in this world and what can be done to fix it. But if your pretty well read on these topics already, it will be a repeat of information. I did buy copies and gave it to the younger generations of my family as I feel these are things they need to know and work on NOW. So in that respect this is a winning read.
Worth the Read.......2007-08-28
This book was and eye opener for the ones who want to see the truth. It's sad that we live in America who would perfer to blind themselves to harsh reality. Remember we are our brother and sister's keeper.
Sad But True.......2007-08-18
The information, commentary, and suggested solutions to improve the position of blacks are well said. I am a big fan of Cornel West anyway but the intellects that analyze the plight have done their homework and not extreme in the characterization of what is. Enjoy it for enlightenment and join the effort to change what is unfortunately sad but true.
I am in the middle of the road..........2007-07-31
I enjoyed the statistics. I enjoyed the stories of those whom changed their circumstances due to their own volitions. I did not find in this book the way to make all of these things happen. There were little snippets of information claiming "HERE, here are the steps you can make as a person and within your community!! HERE!" But this book does not take into consideration that there is no community. There is no Black American community. How do we foster a sense of community? In my opinion, this book assumes there is already a community to put these ideas into motion. I don't see that. Black Americans react. They always come out, usually in anger, to respond to something. Then, after the knee-jerk reaction, Black America goes back to its complacent niche in society until something else makes them upset.
The only reason I give this book a 3 and not a 5 is because it assumes falsehoods. There is no Black community to put these plans into action. If there were, I would give this book a 5, hands down.
Must have in reading collection.......2007-06-27
This book is a must for anyone, reguardless of your color. I waited to purchase the book, but after reading other reviews I knew I had to have my own copy. My daughter picks it up and read it which opens up discussions for us. Recommended for anyone with children.
Book Description
A new edition of the definitive book on nationalism—over a quarter of a million copies sold worldwide.
Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson's brilliant book on nationalism, forged a new field of study when it first appeared in 1983. Since then it has sold over a quarter of a million copies and is widely considered the most important book on the subject. In this greatly anticipated revised edition, Anderson updates and elaborates on the core question: what makes people live, die and kill in the name of nations? He shows how an originary nationalism born in the Americas was adopted by popular movements in Europe, by imperialist powers, and by the anti-imperialist resistances in Asia and Africa, and explores the way communities were created by the growth of the nation-state, the interaction between capitalism and printing, and the birth of vernacular languages-of-state. Anderson revisits these fundamental ideas, showing how their relevance has been tested by the events of the past two decades.
Customer Reviews:
Thought-provoking but unsatisfying.......2007-07-17
This short book/long essay offers some interesting insights on nationalism, but is limited by its Marxist-materialist perspective. Anderson obviously knows his history and his typology of three essential nationalisms (the new republics of the Americas in the late 18th-early 19th centuries, popular national revival movements in 19th-century Europe, and suffocating official nationalisms such as the British and Russian empires) is based on the history of capitalism, the development of printing, mass communication, class conflicts, and world trade. Anderson argues that these models were adapted in one form or another in the newly independent nations of Africa and Asia after World War II.
Psychology is the unmentioned elephant in the drawing room. There is no consideration of group/crowd psychology or built-in human aggressiveness and territoriality, the human need to define oneself in a group in opposition to others, or the way that nations are felt by many people to be a kind of family, with rulers as parent figures. The absence of psychology causes Anderson's argument to run out of steam toward the end, when he offers only a few pages about patriotism and racism, and here becomes shallow and unconvincing.
Some nation-states are no doubt very artificial (as Anderson's "imagined" title suggests), and borders between countries are often artificial. But cultural and linguistic differences between groups are very real. Anderson recognizes the importance of language differences. At one point he quotes a distinguished Indonesian author, leaving the quote untranslated. (Are we supposed to be impressed because Anderson reads Indonesian and we, presumably, don't?) However, Anderson does not give much consideration to cultural (including religious) differences, other than some mention of this issue in his discussion of Japan and Indonesia.
There are other curious omissions. Anderson does not note that people often have multiple and conflicting loyalties (allegiance to a nation, but also to a region, or to a religion). He never mentions the Roman Empire, says little or nothing about the Arab world, diaspora populations or stateless peoples.
Anderson is an academic writing for other academics. He wants to be quoted and to be considered clever, hence the catchy title. Readers outside academia may become irritated with his gassy, excessively precious and self-indulgent style (phrases like "discontinuity-in-connectedness"). Anderson's references to trendy authors (Foucault, Bakhtin) do not really contribute to his argument and the authors in question are no longer as trendy now as they were in the early 1980s.
This book can certainly stimulate your thinking on this important topic, but will leave many questions unanswered.
Imagine that...!.......2007-07-12
Great book! I am using it for academic research and have found it great from a theoretical perspective. That said, it is a bloody brillant read for anyone who is just simply interested in understanding what the big deal is about nations or wanting to just have a more general understanding behind the more everyday realities of what nation and national identity, like pretty much any other kind of social grouping mean.
One of the seminal works on the evolution of national consciousness.......2007-06-08
Anderson's masterful work about the development of national consciousness should be read and treasured by anyone interested in modern politics, political theory, or societal development. Bringing together an impressive array of international and polyglot sources, it is one of the few books that gives a global account of the phenomenon of nationalism and modern nation-building while disabusing readers of most of the truisms concerning nations that people today seem to take for granted. Read it, and then pass it on to your friends and family. It's worth it.
New Edition disappointing.......2007-02-20
I was disappointed in this 'new edition', because it is a missed opportunity.
When it was first published in 1983, 'Imagined Communities' deservedly became a classic in the analysis of nationalism - and an excellent antidote to those who beat nationalist drums. As the new chapter (on the 'geobiography of the book') at the end of this edition outlines, the book has now been published in 30 countries and 27 languages.
Partly inspired by Anderson, the debates on nationalism have moved on considerably in the subsequent 23 years. I was hoping that a new/revised edition would at least note these debates, and preferably comment and analyse them. Unfortunately, this edition does not. Indeed, even though the 'Preface to the second edition' (written in 1991) refers to the excellent 1990 book by Eric Hobsbawm 'Nations and Nationalism', that Hobsbawm text does not get a listing in the bibliography. There is little in the bibliography post 1983, and nothing since around 1990.
While the initial book is still well worth reading (hence the three stars), there is unfortunately little to recommend in this 'new edition'
Update Needed, New Wars To Contemplate!!!.......2007-02-05
I certainly recommend this book, for a quick and easy read. If communism or fascism is a topic of interest then this book would be a great addition.
As usual though Anderson constantly revives Islamic ideology, as a prime source of Nationalism, but luckily he tackles many other topics such as the Vietnam war, the Cold War, Imperialism, China, Europe, but most importantly "modernity."
He directly questions pluralism in humanity, in times of Antiquity in paradox with modernity. His questioning crosses all continents, where at last we realize the transcontinental routes of Nationalism.
Book Description
Once a sleeping giant, China today is the world's fastest growing economy--the leading manufacturer of cell phones, laptop computers, and digital cameras--a dramatic turn-around that alarms many Westerners. But in China: The Fragile Superpower, Susan L. Shirk opens up the black box of Chinese politics and finds that the real danger lies elsewhere--not in China's astonishing growth, but in the deep insecurity of its leaders. China's leaders face a troubling paradox: the more developed and prosperous the country becomes, the more insecure and threatened they feel. Shirk, a former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State responsible for China, knows many of today's Chinese rulers personally and has studied them for three decades. She offers invaluable insight into how they think--and what they fear. In this revealing book, readers see the world through the eyes of men like President Hu Jintao and former President Jiang Zemin. We discover a fragile communist regime desperate to survive in a society turned upside down by miraculous economic growth and a stunning new openness to the greater world. Indeed, ever since the 1989 pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square and the fall of communism in the Soviet Union, Chinese leaders have been haunted by the fear that their days in power are numbered. Theirs is a regime afraid of its own citizens, and this fear motivates many of their decisions when dealing with the U.S. and other foreign nations. In particular, the fervent nationalism of the Chinese people, combined with their passionate resentment of Japan and attachment to Taiwan, have made relations with these two regions a minefield. It is here, Shirk concludes, in the tangled interactions between Japan, Taiwan, China, and the United States, that the greatest danger lies. Shirk argues that rising powers such as China tend to provoke wars in large part because other countries mishandle them. Unless we understand China's brittle internal politics and the fears that motivate its leaders, we face the very real possibility of avoidable conflict with China. This book provides that understanding.
Customer Reviews:
China's fragility lies elsewhere.......2007-09-09
Honestly, China - Fragile Superpower caught my attention as well as curiosity. How fragile is China? This is my very first question before reading the book. The poor rural peasants, increasing laid-off workers, the rise of civil and democratic consciousness among Chinese citizens, the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)...? I have thought about various reasons for a fragile China.
Unexpectedly, a "fragile China" is not the comment or viewpoint from the west, but from the Chinese president Hu Jintao, "although China looks like a powerhouse from the outside, to its leaders it looks fragile, poor and overwhelmed by internal problems". Indeed, everyone knows that the Chinese leaders are facing numerous internal problems, apart from dealing with poor peasants and laid-off workers, environmental degradation, the Chinese product safety, the gap between the rich and the poor as well as the income gap between coastal and inland are also the imminent challenges to the rise of China.
Susan L. Shirk is the former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in managing US-China relations. She has another perspective towards a "fragile China" - the rise of internet and mass media. The whole threatening mechanism begins with the young "netizens". The "netizens" search the foreign website in getting the uncensored international news and post it to the local forums. Other "netizens" start to discuss the issue and post some radical responses like protesting the Japanese prime minister's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine. Shirk also studies the similar cases such as the US bombardment on Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, the clash of aircraft between China and the US near South China Sea in 2001 and the provocative issue such as Taiwan. Since the Chinese leaders seek to get the collective consensus (to avoid personal responsibility) before formally reacting to international crisis, their replies always come late. In the meantime, the Chinese leaders cannot control the spreading news, especially those from the internet. In order to remain the legitimacy of the government, the Chinese leaders are forced to address according to the public opinion. This is the reason why China reacts toughly towards Japan, the United States and Taiwan even though the Chinese leaders treasure the economic interdependences between China, Japan and the United States as well as the positive image of mainland China among Taiwanese.
Besides, by interviewing some Chinese military generals, Shirk finds that the Chinese leaders have compromised to the People's Liberation Army (PLA) for regime security. Some PLA generals heavily criticized Jiang Zemin's leadership in dealing with foreign countries. For example, Jiang is regarded as too pro-American, too soft on Japan while too optimistic towards the unification of Taiwan. To pacify the discontents among the PLA generals, Jiang enlarged the PLA's budget with an increase of double digit percentage annually. Not surprisingly, the west believes that the rise of Chinese military power is a potential threat to the Asia-Pacific region, not because of the modernization of the PLA, but for the growing influence of the Chinese military generals who are not accountable to the civilian government.
Therefore, according to Shirk, China is a fragile superpower because there are too many constrains on the Chinese leaders in making both their domestic and foreign policy. Even worse, as Shirk writes, "The CCP's ability to control the information that reaches the public is declining at the same time as the country's military capabilities are improving. And these two trends combine dangerously to intensify the pressure to use force to defend China's honor".
Though Shirk develops a model in explaining the dilemmas of the Chinese leaders in facing the demands of public opinion and the belligerence of military generals, it seems that the role of the internet in China is a bit exaggerated. In fact, many foreign websites are blocked in China. Even though there are limited occasional cases which the "netizens" posted uncensored news on local website, these news were removed within hours. There is a doubt whether a concrete public opinion can be formed within a few hours via internet. Shirk also admits that the huge Chinese demonstration against the US for the bombardment of Belgrade in 1999 and the clash of Chinese and American aircrafts in 2001 were acquiesced if not encouraged by the Chinese government. The Chinese government kept the demonstrations under control in order to get better bargaining position over the US. However, Shirk should also take into account that there was a call up of anti-Japanese demonstration in April 2005 on the internet for the Japanese prime minister Kozumi's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine. But this time, the Chinese government firmly prohibited the demonstration since the previous anti-Japanese demonstrations went radically by attacking the Japanese stores. Also, the Chinese leaders want to send a signal to Japan that China is willing to restore their bilateral relations. The point here is that no demonstration can be appeared without the consent of the Chinese government, no matter the demonstration is called up through the internet or not. Besides, Shirk believes that the CCP will stand firm towards Japan, Taiwan and the US because the Qing and the Kuomintang government lost their regime for failing to expel foreign aggressions. It is indeed too early to justify whether the ordinary Chinese will overthrow the CCP only because of its soft stance towards Japan, Taiwan and the US, given that the situation is not the same for the CCP now when compare the previous regimes.
China is a fragile rising power, but its fragility lies on the peasants who have no land to farm and the laid-off workers who have no social security net to rely on rather than the public opinion on the internet.
Understanding China.......2007-08-02
Few fields of academic endeavor are as determinedly pc as the study of communist China. China academics and intelligence analysts over the years have strived with some success to portray the communist regime in a more benign light than probably is warranted.
Fortunately Susan Shirk''s book--the best work yet to appear on contemporary China-- provides a balanced and thoughtful perspective on the contradictory impulses driving Chinese leadership behavior.As Shirk ably documents, pressures of rapid economic transformatiion, fraying political controls and rabid nationalist sentiment pose difficult challenges for the regime, increasing the potential for conflict with the United States. Shirk pleads for a U.S. China policy based on a better understanding of these constraints, both to lower the risk of war and to improve prospects of Sino-U,S, collaboration on issues of global concern.
This is a perfectly good argument as far as it goes and is relevant not just to China. Russia --economically emergent and increasingly nationalistic-- represents a comparable problem for U.S. policy.The U.S. penchant for Russia-bashing needlessly provokes Russian leaders and publics, heightening East-West tensions and clouding the outlook for peace and security in Europe.
Perfect understanding, of course is not a sure-fire recipe for conflict- avoidance. Washington can "lavish respect on China's leaders" (in the author's words) but there is a host of contentious issues on which it must pursue its own priorities: trade imbalances, contaminated food exports, software piracy, China's military build-up, Taiwan security, massive Chinese espionage operations in the United States, human rights violations and more. Hostilities with China, while obviously not desirable , could break out nonetheless. Following Shirk's line of analysis, should China emerge the clear loser, the regime would suffer loss of legitimacy and possibly collapse altogether. Whether anything better would emerge in its place, though, is an open question.
Notes by an insider.......2007-07-22
The main point about this book is that it's by someone who personally participated in many of the events that she describes. Many of her sources are Chinese with whom she interacted personally, as opposed to books by other Westerneres, although she does mention these, specifically Minxin Pei's Trapped Transition. She has a very readable style. People may differ with her conclusions but she came to them through her own experience.
China at Times Its Own Worst Enemy.......2007-07-09
Susan Shirk gives her readers some useful tools to better assess the future behavior of a fast-resurging China after being "humiliated" for a century and a half (pp. 153 - 55, 185 - 87). Shirk clearly explains that Chinese communist power has two faces. China wants to be seen as behaving responsibly to foster economic growth and social stability (pp. 105 - 139). Shirk correctly states that actions rather than words will make it more credible. Establishing this reputation requires China to accommodate its neighbors, to be a team player in multinational organizations, and to use economic ties to make friends (pp. 109, 199, 223, 257 - 61).
In case of a major crisis, especially one involving Taiwan, Japan or the United States, China could show its other face by acting irresponsibly due to the absence of effective checks and balances of the Chinese system. Party leaders could recklessly play the nationalistic card again as they did with Taiwan in 1996 or with Japan in 2005 if they need to look strong domestically with other leaders, the mass public, and the military (pp. 10 -12, 43, 63, 69, 77, 139, 151, 173, 179 - 80, 186 - 90, 197, 205, 219).
The Communist Party has bet on jingoism since the 1990s because communism in China is a dying ideology in which almost no Chinese believes (pp. 11, 63 - 64, 145, 148, 164 - 70, 186). The Party implausibly claims that ordinary Chinese are unworthy of Western democracy because their country, unlike India, does not have religion to manage them responsibly (p. 53). Chinese leaders know that Chinese nationalists can turn against the Party if they appear too weak to deal with foreign pressures (pp. 61, 66, 173, 180).
Economic interdependence has had a somewhat moderating effect on the relationship of China with the outside world, including Taiwan, Japan, and the U.S. (pp. 24, 96, 145 - 46, 190, 195, 233, 241, 247). Due to their fear of widespread instability and their lack of political legitimacy, Party leaders, however, have not displayed much courage in taking unpopular measures such as enforcing intellectual property rights or stopping currency manipulation in trading abroad (pp. 26 - 27, 53 - 54, 60, 73 - 74). Chinese leaders are well aware that the increased protectionism in the U.S. against the fast-growing trade deficit with China and the rampant piracy of U.S. products in China are not politically sustainable, especially in case of a majority change in Washington in 2009 (pp. 25 - 26, 248). At the same time, Shirk correctly points out that the ongoing fiscal profligacy of the U.S. is weakening the country at the profit of China (pp. 26, 249).
Of all China's challenges, the need for "social stability" overrules all other considerations, even it means sacrificing long-term diplomatic objectives for short-term domestic political gains (pp. 38, 52 - 54, 109, 148, 183 - 87, 197, 224, 234, 254 - 55). For the Chinese communist leaders and their families, losing power could result in the loss of their possessions or even their death (pp. 7 - 9). To keep its authoritarian grip on power, the Communist Party has articulated a three-pronged policy (p. 39):
1) Avoid public leadership splits
Shirk gives a useful overview of the "selectorate," the group of Party members who have the power to choose the leaders, and the modus operandi of the Party (pp. 39 - 52). The Communist Party is not known for its openness in framing domestic and foreign policies (pp. 43 - 44). Patronage is essential for keeping the Party in power, which feeds an endemic corruption from which many communist bigwigs enrich themselves at the expense of ordinary Chinese (pp. 60, 68 - 69). Party leaders learn from the Tiananmen fiasco that destabilizing internal dissent can undermine the Party's grip on power (pp. 48, 53, 162). Keeping elite contests for power hidden from the public is increasingly difficult as the audience-driven media are testing the limits on what can be reported (pp. 39, 50, 52, 55, 78, 183). Although China is a still a long way from having free mass media, resourceful Chinese increasingly give the Communist Party a hard time for censoring "undesirable news (pp. 82 - 83)."
2) Prevent large-scale social unrest
Shirk demonstrates with conviction that Communist China's obsession with internal stability paradoxically makes the Party very sensitive to public opinion due to the lack of any democratic institution to allow ordinary Chinese to express themselves peacefully (pp. 52 - 53, 66). Shirk overviews with mastery the multiple possible threats to one-party-rule and which means the Party uses to either neutralize or reduce these threats (pp. 52 - 69). Paradoxically, the more developed and rich China becomes, the more insecure and threatened Communist Party leaders feel (p. 5).
3) Keep the People's Liberation Army on the side of the Party
Unlike their predecessors, Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, Communist Party leaders Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao are less politically secure and have a greater need to keep the military satisfied to safeguard them from domestic rebellion (pp. 46, 73, 77, 158 - 60, 202). Communist Party leaders seem to have a harder time saying no to the military demands for weaponry buildups and aggressive policies (pp. 70, 75 - 76, 222 - 23). The senior leadership of the PLA uses the Taiwan issue as the paramount factor for getting more "toys" approved (p. 74). By covering foreign policy, audience-driven media are making it harder for Communist Party leaders not to treat foreign policy as domestic politics (pp. 78 - 104, 140 - 254). Furthermore, history is not on the side of China because rising powers are likely to provoke war (pp. 4, 9 - 10, 210 - 11, 219, 243 - 45, 261 - 69). All of these factors undermine the credibility of the "peaceful rise" that Jintao - Wen Jiabao have promoted since 2002 (pp. 108 - 09, 252).
To summarize, China's behavior cannot be correctly understood without a proper grasp of the tectonic forces that have molded the country's history, geography, and culture.
Easily 5 Stars!.......2007-07-05
It's a beautifully written book by Ms. Susan Shirk. Her credentials as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State during the Clinton administration responsible for relations with China speak for themselves. Her understanding of the interrelation between domestic and international principles is well highlighted.
This book captures the fickleness of the Chinese government in their need to suppress public distraught, and how their desire to raise nationalist views has been counterproductive to their international mission of keeping foreign partners from viewing them as a dangerously rising power.
She gives you the facts of China's past and current state of development and reviews the United States' and other countries' positions on the rising power, and allows you to determine for yourself whether China will be a real danger or a humble superpower willing to lend a hand for the betterment of the international sector.
This is an absolutely wonderful book that simply has to be read more than once.
Book Description
"A potent wakeup call to pluralists in the coming showdown with Christian nationalists."—Publishers Weekly, starred review
Michelle Goldberg, a senior political reporter for Salon.com, has been covering the intersection of politics and ideology for years. Before the 2004 election, and during the ensuing months when many Americans were trying to understand how an administration marked by cronyism, disregard for the national budget, and poorly disguised self-interest had been reinstated, Goldberg traveled through the heartland of a country in the grips of a fevered religious radicalism: the America of our time. From the classroom to the mega-church to the federal court, she saw how the growing influence of dominionism-the doctrine that Christians have the right to rule nonbelievers-is threatening the foundations of democracy.
In Kingdom Coming, Goldberg demonstrates how an increasingly bellicose fundamentalism is gaining traction throughout our national life, taking us on a tour of the parallel right-wing evangelical culture that is buoyed by Republican political patronage. Deep within the red zones of a divided America, we meet military retirees pledging to seize the nation in Christ's name, perfidious congressmen courting the confidence of neo-confederates and proponents of theocracy, and leaders of federally funded programs offering Jesus as the solution to the country's social problems.
With her trenchant interviews and the telling testimonies of the people behind this movement, Goldberg gains access into the hearts and minds of citizens who are striving to remake the secular Republic bequeathed by our founders into a Christian nation run according to their interpretation of scripture. In her examination of the ever-widening divide between believers and nonbelievers, Goldberg illustrates the subversive effect of this conservative stranglehold nationwide. In an age when faith rather than reason is heralded and the values of the Enlightenment are threatened by a mystical nationalism claiming divine sanction, Kingdom Coming brings us face to face with the irrational forces that are remaking much of America.
Customer Reviews:
A Good, Concise Read.......2007-08-28
This is a good book on the Christian Right, rich with information that is packed into a slim 200-page volume. Those suspicious of the motives of the Christian Right will immediately relate to the author's work, as she highlights some of the most undemocratic trends and activists in the movement. That certain elements of the far Christian Right wish to replace democracy with an authoritarian theocracy is an unsettling prospect. Goldberg cites her sources and presents her book in a highly readable and engaging format. This book may not be as objective as some might wish - for example there are many Christians not amongst the far right, or indeed on the left, and omitting them from the book makes the Christian Right seem "scarier" than perhaps it really is. Having said that, Goldberg does identify some important, and disturbing trends amongst some Christians who appear to be of the mindset that they speak for God and for everyone else as well. Suffice it to say, it is fortunate that Christianity cannot be reduced entirely to this, for there are many Christians who think otherwise. I recommend it to self-critical Christians or secular readers, as well as anyone concerned with reviving our democracy.
A disturbing but important read.......2007-08-24
I've been concerned for awhile now about the rise of religion in politics, so when I saw this I figured I'd pick it up and delve into the matter a little more. I already got annoyed when I heard atheists and gays slandered as horrible people, when not allowing mandatory prayer in public school was called "anti-Christian," and of course when people wandered around trying to masqeurade intelligent design as science.
Behold, in hindsight, how little I knew.
Michelle Goldberg brings far more than that to the table. I never knew just how devoid of oversight Bush's Faith-Based Initiatives are or that organizations such as the Salvation Army reorganized and purged undesirable elements from their ranks. Sections about the evangelical movement's history and extent, as well as the related home-schooling movement, were particularly eye opening.
At times the book became so disturbing I began feeling pretty apathetic towards it all. With all of these events taking place and with all the organization, resources, and determination the movement has, why bother doing anything about it?
Luckily towards the end Goldberg includes a few positive notes and developments, as well as suggestions on action to take. I think that, along with the controlled and mature writing style, is crucial. This book easily could have been a vitriolic attack on the movement without an attempt at a solution. If it had been, it would have served as proof to Christian nationalists that secular liberals are out to get them. Thankfully it didn't turn out that way. Goldberg reasons her point well at the same time she points out Christian nationalists are generally nice people with legitimate concerns. It's a logical, sensible book that manages to raise an alarm without being alarmist.
A polemic that makes a forceful argument.......2007-08-17
The book is a polemic. As with any polemic, a reader who disagrees with the author will call it a
screed, but one who is sympathetic to the author's view will find it insightful and a forceful
argument. I fall into the latter category
Ms. Goldberg's theme is simple: the far-right, conservative Christians are a present danger insofar
as their intent is not simply to win others to their convictions but, rather, to force their style of
governance on the United States. The 31-year-old author describes herself as a "secular Jew" who
is a contributing writer to the magazine "Salon"; she describes a tremendous amount of research
that she put into the book, having interviewed a large number of the Christians she writes about
and attended megachurch services and conferences of the faithful. She names not only the usual
suspects (Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson, James Dobson, Tim LaHaye, Paul Weyrich, Ralph Reed)
but many others that I had never heard of.
While I have no admiration of these conservative Christians, these "people of faith"--I could
never be one of them--I have never felt threatened by them. However, if one gives credence to
Ms. Goldberg's testimony, they are a clear menace to our society. They not only want school
prayer, the "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance, the Ten Commandments displayed publicly,
and the other trappings of their faith, they also want elected government officials, teachers of our
children, and everyone with influence on our lives to be of their ilk.
She talks about "Christian Reconstruction": "Reconstruction theory calls for a stealth strategy to
Christianize politics and culture." She refers to one Gary North, "one of the movement's key
theorists, (who) wrote of the need for activists to penetrate secular institutions to 'smooth the
transition to Christian political leadership....Christians must begin to organize politically within the
present party structure, and they must begin to infiltrate the existing institutional order.' " (p. 14).
She quotes a variety of the far-right Christians, whose words point out the menace of their ideology.
"We must remove all humanists from public office and replace them with pro-moral political
leaders." Tim LaHaye. (p. 39).
"Christians have an obligation, a mandate, a commission, a holy responsibility to reclaim the
land for Jesus Christ--to have dominion in civil structures, just as in every other aspect of life
and godliness...World conquest. That's what Christ has commissioned us to accomplish."
George Grant, identified as executive director of Coral Ridge Ministries, "a multimedia empire"
headquartered in Fort Lauderdale, Florida. (p. 41).
"The humanist West is our modern throne of iniquity, framing mischief by enacting laws. We
must return to God's law. We must work towards a true Christendom. Thy kingdom come, O
Lord!" R. J. Rushdoony (now deceased), described as a leader of "Christian Reconstructionism."
(p. 158).
"The overarching question we face today is: 'Who is America's sovereign?' and 'What is his
law?'...The holy Bible makes clear that Jesus Christ is our sovereign...America's founding
fathers understood and acted on this Biblical truth." Howard Phillips, another Reconstructionist
who has "called for the execution of abortionists, a crucial plank in the Reconstructionist agenda."
(p. 167).
Further on the theme of the menace to America's free society of the far-right Christians, Ms.
Goldberg writes "If fascism's rise is gradual and subtle, how does one spot it?" As an answer she
quotes Robert O. Paxton, a history professor at Columbia University, "We know from tracing its
path that fascism does not require a spectacular 'march' on some capital to take root...Fascists
are close to power when conservatives begin to borrow their techniques..." (p. 179).
She adds, "Those who don't want to live in the country the Christian nationalists would create
have no choice but to fight...the threat will not simply fizzle out without a countermovement
organized to defend pluralism, religious equality, reason, and personal freedom. If current trends
continue, we will see ever increasing division and acrimony in our politics. That's partly because,
as Christian nationalism spreads, secularism is spreading as well, while moderate mainline
Christianity is in decline." (p. 181).
Well said.
Objective, thorough, and worth reading.......2007-08-06
At first, I wasn't sure I wanted to read this. Although I am alarmed at the political shenanigans of the extreme religious right, I had already read books about this subject and wondered if this would tell me anything I hadn't already read about.
Then I read the introduction. That did it for me. I wanted to read it.
Michelle Goldberg is thorough in her presentation. She discusses the development of the "Christian Nation" philosophy, and she shows how, in the hands of the militant mindset, it can be dangerous. She also focuses on: the push to have Intelligent Design taught in public schools, the federal funding of faith-based groups, the promotion of abstinence as the key to the sexual problems of the nation. She also covers other issues as well, which you can find out by reading the book. And through all of this, she highlights the "Christian Nationalist" leaders including, of course, Jerry Fallwell, Pat Robertson, Tim LaHaye, etc. But she also mentions many others, not quite so well known, but active in Christian Nationalism.
A lot of this was not too new to me, as I've read other books about the radical Christian right. But what stood out in my mind was that the author was not trying to lump all Christians into the same category. In fact, on page 8 she states that . . . "The Christian nationalist movement does not represent a majority of Americans - it does not even represent a majority of all evangelicals." However, she believes that they are a highly mobilized minority who have made a huge impact on American society all out of proportion to their numbers, and the impact has scary implications for Americans - maybe even for other Christians
No book can cover everything. And I reiterate, I appreciated and agreed with a great deal of what I read here. But there are a couple of other issues I think need to be pointed out:
1. A lot of what we call the politically "conservative" had its roots in anti-Communism. It is easy to forget how militant the Communists were in their day. I am two months and ten days younger than George W. Bush Junior - and I remember the cold war all too well. I remember when Hungary was swallowed up into the Soviet system, and when Russian tanks invaded Czechoslovakia. I was a young teenager during the Cuban missile crisis.
2. Also, it is easy to forget how equally militant atheism was in those days as well.
However, I do not fault Ms. Goldberg for not emphasizing this more. And I certainly do agree with her that those of us in the moderate to centrist positions need to flex our muscles as well, and (learning, ironically, from the Christian right) begin making ourselves and our positions known and become just as persistent as the Christian Nationalists.
I highly recommend this book.
Good........2007-06-24
Michelle Goldberg has written a concise, thoughtful examination of a fringe of Christian evangelism that she sees as a growing political threat. She makes it clear (something the film "Jesus Camp" does not) that this kind of Christianity is a minority within evangelistic traditions, and certainly a minority within America overall. Still, one need look no further than the 2004 presidential election to see that extremists do have power when combined with more moderate voting blocks. Goldberg examines some of the leaders of this movement and focuses on four social issues which have begun to affect political policy: gay marriage, science in public schools, abortion rights, and sex education. Ultimately, this is a book about democracy and voting. If small voting blocks didn't have the power to sway elections (and affect public policy), no one need be concerned about others' religious beliefs (or their misuse of these beliefs). I think Goldberg is overly paranoid in some of her imagined worst case scenarios. There is a vast difference, for example, between wanting to deny gay people their civil rights and wanting to round them up and send them to concentration camps. Just because horrible acts have proceeded from these types of injustices doesn't mean that atrocity is the end result of every act of political prejudice. I have a feeling that once GW is out of office, the fear about the Christian right will abate. The types of people written about in "Kingdom Coming" are extremists and I have faith that decency and common sense will win out. In some ways I think they already are.
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The Roman-Jewish Wars and Hebrew Cultural Nationalism
Moshe Aberbach , and
David Aberbach
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From the Maccabees to the Mishnah, Second Edition
ASIN: 0312231911 |
Book Description
In this controversial book, the authors show how the Roman-Jewish wars were precipitated partly by Jewish demographic and religious expansion and by conflict with the Greeks and their culture. They argue that the trauma of defeat stimulated Jewish cultural growth during and after the wars. This culture was an implicit rejection of Greco-Roman civilization and values in favor of an exclusive religious-cultural nationalism, predating more recent cultural-national movements of defeated peoples.
Book Description
Eric Hobsbawm’s brilliant enquiry into the question of nationalism won further acclaim for his â€~colossal stature … his incontrovertible excellence as an historian, and his authoritative and highly readable prose’. Recent events in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics have since reinforced the central importance of nationalism in the history of political evolution and upheaval. This second edition has been updated in the light of those events, with a final chapter addressing the impact of the dramatic changes that have taken place. It also includes additional maps to illustrate nationalities, languages and political divisions across Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Customer Reviews:
Nationalism as a Social Construct.......2007-10-05
Hobsbawm takes issues the premise that the "nation" is the genesis of social groups. He writes, "Nations as a natural way of classifying men as an inherent political destiny is a myth" (10). Rather, he contends that a good deal of "social engineering" is involved in the creation of nations and the nation-state. As such, the idea of nations and nationhood is not static, but rather has changed over time. Hobsbawm examines the nature of nationalism, its origin, and its evolution over a number of epochs.
During the revolutionary period, nationalism was based on the common interest of a group of people seeking sovereignty in their political expression. However, as the idea of nation becomes more solidified, issues of heterogeneity may become problematic. Pressures emerge for "the people" to adopt a system of common norms. From this, emerges an idea of unifying citizenship.
Between 1830 and 1880, a number of nation-states emerge, particularly in Europe. In many regards, this emergence was in response to capitalism development. The nation-state "guaranteed the security of property and contracts" and ensured competition (28). Nation-states began to internalize their national economies, "...in any case nation implied national economy and its systematic fostering by the state, which in the 19th century meant protectionism" (29).
Up until about 1880, nationalism and "the nation" was a unifying concept; it brought various groups under one umbrella. After 1880, things began to change. The national sentiments of the common people became politically relevant. Thus we begin to see the rise of proto-nationalism. With the emergence of the modern state (an encompassing, institutionalized government ruling over a particular territory) issues of legitimacy emerged, particularly during modernization. Social structures were changing. Monarchical forms (dynastic lineages, or divine rule) were failing. As such, the state and ruling elites needed to create a "civic religion" or a sense of state-patriotism. Hobsbawm writes that patriotism relates to "the sovereign people" of a territory, regardless of language or ethnicity (86-7). One way state-patriotism is created in through the opening of the political process. Subjects are changed into citizens. As such, the citizens gain a "stake" in their state.
The state and ruling elites can create a concept of state-patriotism based upon commonalities between groups (real or imagined) between various nationalistic groups, thus creating one community. One way this unifying concept emerges is through a sense of protonationalism. Protonationalism refers to the ways in which nationalism is politicized. Holding with his premise that feelings of nationalism are socially constructed, Hobsbawm writes "states and national movements could mobilize certain variants of feelings of collective belonging which already existed and which could operate, as it were, potentially in the more macro-political scale which could fit in with modern states and nations" (46). Protonational bonds include religion, kinship, empire, and a sense of national consciousness.
Hobsbawm also illustrates the dynamism of nationalism in his discussion the emergence of ethnicity and language as requirement for national movements between 1880-1914. Hobsbawm argues that social, political and international changes led to the emergence of ethnic and linguistic nationalism. He contends that traditional groups may feel threatened by the emergence of a strong state and thus mobilize against it. Also, ethnic groups become urbanized which leads to a greater propensity for mobilization. Politically, the move towards democratization leads to the emergence of increasing number of interest groups, often based on ethnicity and language. Additionally, modernization increased the size of the middle class. This middle class felt pressures from both the lower and upper classes. In a bid for protection, the middle class moved towards the political right. In the international environment of the era, many states with imperial designs or national rivalries, welcomed the middle strata. By embracing right-wing causes, the middle class achieves a sense of identity.
The discussion is continued through the interwar years, and continues through the 1950s. Following WWI, the old, unifying nationalism gave way to the still "unredeemed minorities" who were rebelling against the new existing states, i.e. the Basques, Welsh, etc. "What was new was the emergence of such aspirations in nominally national, but actually pluri-national states of western Europe in a political rather than a primarily cultural form" (139). What we see during the interwar period "was the nationalism of established nation-states and their irredenta" (143).
During WWII and the post-war period, many national movements moved towards leftist ideologies, as opposed to the right-wing political movements of the WWI era. This was in part a response to the rise of fascism, and also a move towards decolonization (throw of the chains). In fact, during the war and slightly before it could be argued that a sense of "internationalism" existed. Nations joined forces to fight fascism, colonization, etc.
In regards to nationalism at present, Hobsbawm historically sees a rise and decline trajectory of nationalism's importance. He argues that nationalism at the end of the 20th century is declining in importance. In the Third World, we begin to see a different nationalism than was found in Europe. Hobsbawm argues that this leads to a "general skepticism about the universal applicability of the `national' concept" (152). Third World nationalism was not necessarily based on homogenous ethnicity, etc. When decolonization occurred, groups were "trapped in the state territories drawn by the colonizing powers. This leads to a lot of tension within the state. What we find in these states is not necessarily a move towards self-determination, but rather the groups are bargaining for their share of resources within the state. This is partly the result of modernization. Hobsbawm writes that the "massive and multifarious movements, migrations, and transfers of people [which] undermined the other basic nationalist assumption of territory inhabited essentially be an ethnically, culturally, and linguistically homogenous population" (157).
that nationalism is premised largely on myth.......2006-12-31
Does not refute its existence. Hobsawm's arguments about the creation of nationalism are quite true, but he takes as his starting point, not the cultures that Nationalism destroyed, but his acultural commiunist world order.
Herein lies his major flaw: first, by refuting nationalism's authenticity, he is justifiying the communist legacy of aggrressive destructiveness towards "national" groups, who might simply be said to be in the throes of a mythologically based false consciousness. In this snese, communism is really a kind of hyper nationalism - Imperialism really - that does to whole nations what nationalists once did to regions.
In this sense, communism is a continuation of the Imperialism of revolutionary Nationalists.
The other major flaw lies in the negation of culturally distinct identities. These do exist, are based largely in geography and are not reinforced and perpetuated by historians over imbued with the spirit of scientific socialism. In this case, Hobsbawm's Marxism is merely a more extreme version of a kind of narrow, intellectualism. Like Spock, he sees anything not based on fact as "invalid".
The fall of communism has led to the assertion of "buried" nationalisms. In refuting those nationalisms, Hobsbawm is accomplishing two major ideological goals: one, he is showing that communism really didn't repress anything and was thus a good thing; second, he is making sordid the disorder that followed its fall by showing that it's all based on lies. While many national identities are, indeed fabricated, they quickly become real. Second, the fall of communism and the rise of the EU have both facilitated the re-emergence of regional identities. This is particularly so in less econoically advanced areas. to name but one example, the Sicilian language persists side by side with the official Italian langauge and remains the first language learned by most Sicilians. Not so with the Northern Italian dialects. Why? Because those areas attract immigrants from all over Italy. They marry, have kids and use Italian as their lingua franca in the home, and their kids grow up wholly ignorant of their parents regional language.
Thus, the Italian nation is real, but more so in the center and North than in the South. Further, it isn't some mythical facade fabricated to prevent the emergence of commmunism. Its emergence has come about for more practicial reasons.
An interesting counter point can be found in Catalonia in Spain. Here, you have a language and culture that deviates from Spain. But, and this is a big fat but, it is an Industrial Area that has brought in many Spainiards. Now, there is enormous pressure to speak Catalan. So you have grandchildren of Spaniards learning Catalan. Eventually, they marry Catalans and Spanish disappears. Fascinating stuff, really. I'm the MASTER!!!!! I dominate at social and historical analysis!!!!!!
Often Insightful.......2006-10-17
This is a very good overview of nationalism. Following other scholars, notably the pioneering work of Carlton Hayes and Hans Kohn in the 1930s, Hobsbawm point of departure is the fact that nationalism in the modern sense is a recent phenomenon, arising prinicipally in the 19th century and often as the produce of state formation in that era. Hobsbawm covers the history of nationalist ideas from the early 19th century onward, describing the evolution of nationalist ideas from their association with liberal political movements to their later association with the right, indeed, the fascist right. Hobsbawm covers also the basic historiography as well. The primary theme is the social construction of nationalism, often as a state mediated process with developing states using nationalist ideas to increase social cohesion. Hobsbawm also points out how nationalist ideas often arise from confrontation with others, an increasingly common experience as 19th and 20th century Europe saw increasing contact with others from differing ethnicities and religions as the world economy promoted large population movements and novel information about others. Written with Hobsbawm's typical combination of broad erudition and solid prose, this is an engaging and instuctive book.
Hobsbawm places nationalism in its historical context.......2005-08-10
We ordered this book as a reading for our 'Old Curmudgeons Book Club'. The book club is made up of a small bunch of 'older guys', i.e. in their 50s and 60s. We get together once a month and disucss non-fiction books. We've been doing this for about 15 years now. The book has to have something important to say about the human condition. Since nations and nationalism play such an important role in the 20th and 21st centuries, we thought it important to get a better handle on this. Hobsbawm's book helps us to understand the incredibly short time that nations and nationalisms have played a big role in the human experience. It is essentially a 19th century invention and yet it has become such a part of our thinking - e.g. the notion of the inviolability of national sovereignty, the whole business of being an 'American', Briton, Australian, etc. which is such an important part of self identity. One piece of information I found to be astonishing is the statement that at the time of the founding of modern 'Italy',in the mid 19th century, only 2.5% of the population in the territory now known as Italy spoke Italian. Hobsbawm's book then, helps to put into perspective the whole notion of nation and nationalism and helps us to be a bit more critical and more sceptical (suspicious perhaps) when political leaders appeal in language such as 'My fellow Americans', or 'Canadians believe that...', etc. Oh yeah? (What's America? What's Canada, etc.? It helps us to recall Samuel Johnson's famous and useful phrase 'Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel'. Of course, we can get into debates about the difference between 'nationalism' and 'patriotism' but, for my money, they're pretty much the same thing and both are based on unexamined assumptions. Hobsbawm's book will get you thinking about these issues.
Jim Ward
Corrupted analysis.......2005-07-13
You'll never get the straight story about nationalism out of Eric Hobsbawm, who himself appears to try to reconcile his own ethnic identity with the topic. David Pryce-Jones once noted that in Hobsbawm's own autobiography: "he [Hobsbawm] boasts of a visit to Bir Zeit University on the West Bank to display solidarity with the Palestinians. Why Palestinian nationalism is valid, and Jewish nationalism invalid, is something else Hobsbawm fails to analyze and explain. Quite crudely, he approves of nationalism in countries which proclaim themselves Communist and anti-American, like Cuba or Vietnam, while rejecting nationalism in countries which are not Communist and are pro-American, like Israel" ([...], Jan. 3, 2003).
Such twisted thinking is evident through "Nations and Nationalism," where Mr. Hobsbawm spares no effort, however subtle, to demean nationalism that doesn't conform to his pre-existing prejudices. In short, when writing about nationalism, Mr. Hobsbawm allowed his considerable analytic and writing skills to become corrupted by his religion, communism. Therefore, unless you are an acolyte of that religion, this book is not worth your time, money or effort to read, and if you *are* a member of that religion, I suggest you broaden your intellectual horizons a bit, perhaps by reading Liah Greenfield's "Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity" or Benedict Anderson's "Imagined Communities."
Book Description
Nationalism is one of the most powerful forces in the modern world, yet its study has only recently gained popularity. This reader gives historical depth to the recent debates on nationalism and traces the development of thought on nationalism across a wide range of issues with reference to texts spanning from Ernest Renan's What is a Nation? in the 1880s to current views given in the 1990s. Issues covered include the definitions of the nation and of nationalism, theories of nationalism, the origins of nations, nationalism in Europe, the Third World and within the International System, and the future of nationalism itself.
Customer Reviews:
Not Quite.......2007-04-14
This is a fine book that, alas, mirrors a major flaw in the way that nationalism and national identity are taught and understood today: it includes only theorists and analysts, and not a speck of primary source material. If nationalism is truly whatever we define it as, then fine; but, unfortunately, the theorists included in this book did (or should have) worked with primary sources, and students ought to have the same chance.
excellent resource for history students.......2007-02-26
This is an excellent resource for history students interested in the history of nationalism or the studies of nationalism. With excerpts from famous scholars of nationalism like Kedourie, Anderson, Hobsbawm, and Gellner, readers can see almost every aspect of the definition for "nationalism." Slow read, but this isn't for the easily bored either.
Excellent summary of Nationalism.......2006-06-12
This book is a reader on nationalism that does an excellent summary - perhaps the best summary around - of all the key developments on thought about nationalism. This is a field that has rapidly expanded over the last few decades and thus profits greatly from this work of synthesis and comparative analysis. One of the great things about the book is its inclusion of extracts from the writings of luminaries in the field, from Joseph Stalin and Max Weber to more recent commentators like Eric Hosbawm and Benedict Anderson.
The book is divided into a number of chapters, each with an introduction and a selection of extracts from a number of writers. The chapter headings alone indicate the sheer breadth of the book:
1. The question of definition
2. Theories of nationalism
3. The rise of nations
4. Nationalism in Europe
5. Nationalism outside Europe
6. Nationalism and the international system
7. Beyond nationalism?
Students will find this extremely useful as a general survey of the subject. General readers will also be interested the issues flagged up, which bear immense relevance to contemporary politics, society and culture.
A five-star contribution to the field.
Akin to a master-class........2005-03-26
I had the privilege of studying under Professors Smith and Hutchinson at LSE, and this books reflects their syllabus for their course on Nationalism. Many of the readings we studied in their class are excerpted in this reader, providing an excellent review of the theoretical development of nationalism.
Indispensable resource.......2001-02-07
This is a reader that covers the various theories of nationalism as well as varieties of nationalism itself. This makes it a largely indispensable supplement, handbook and reference work for anyone interested in nationalism. This is particularly true today as the scholarship on this social phenomenon continues to grow unabated, and since it is patently obvious that nationalism hardly seems about to disappear. The reader contains important extracts from the major works on nationalism by some of the most important early theorists such as Renan, Max Weber and Stalin (although the views of Marx and Engels themselves or Lord Acton and Friedrich Meinecke would have been welcome additions) and almost all of the most important contemporary scholars (Gellner, Anderson, Connor, A. Smith, etc.). The texts are well-selected and organized, and it really contributes to making a very complex subject and a daunting field of scholarship seem a little easier to grasp.
Book Description
The authors argue that American patriotism is a civil religion organized around a sacred flag, whose followers engage in periodic blood sacrifice of their own children to unify the group. Using an anthropological theory, this groundbreaking book presents and explains the ritual sacrifices and regeneration that constitute American nationalism, the factors making particular elections or wars successful or unsuccessful rituals, the role of the mass media in the process, and the sense of malaise that has pervaded American society during the post-World War II period.
Customer Reviews:
AN INSTANT CLASSIC.......2001-06-25
This is a great work of social science, one of the most significant books of our time. Marvin and Ingle state that "The underlying cost of all society is the violent death of some of its members." In contrast to the view that societal violence is something that occasionally "happens" in spite of our best efforts, the authors argue that violence is INHERENT WITHIN THE VERY NATURE AND STRUCTURE OF "SOCIETY."
Many writers speak about the naturally "aggressive" nature of human beings. Marvin and Ingle understand that violence has a deeper source, namely the societal compulsion to SACRIFICE ITS OWN MEMBERS IN THE NAME OF THE SACRED (NATIONAL) IDEAL. It is this SACRIFICAL meaning of violence that human beings refuse to perceive.
The authors state that "OUR DEEPEST SECRET, THE COLLECTIVE GROUP TABOO, IS KNOWLEDGE THAT SOCIETY DEPENDS ON THE DEATH OF SACRIFICIAL VICTIMS AT THE HANDS OF THE GROUP ITSELF."
Our capacity to understand the nature of human society requires perceiving this relationship between sacred groups and collective violence. This book represents a significant step toward revealing and articulating this relationship.
The book is highly recommended for social theorists, anthropologists, historians and political scientists.
Book Description
The most up-to-date account of social psychology available, this text introduces key concepts through balanced coverage of classic studies, contemporary research, and current social issues. The authors use vivid examples to reflect social psychology concepts in real life. The use of current events, social issues, and evocative photographs makes the text more compelling to students and brings real events closer to their lives.
Extensive coverage of cross-cultural research and sociocultural perspectives includes studies of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation. These viewpoints are examined through topics such as the social self, personal and group perception of attitudes, conformity and obedience, interpersonal behavior, and group influences.
Customer Reviews:
take a different class.......2006-05-05
After a semester using the text i have come to the conclusion that the authors, Brehm, Kassin, and Fein, leave more questions then answers and that their sub-par sense of humor is more then just a waste of money. After reading certain sections i get the feeling that the authors do not clearly understand the issue at hand, but rather throw 15 different research studies at the topic covering their uncertainty and topping it off with a dire attempt at a joke leaving the reader completely ambiguous.
What's not to like?.......2004-09-17
Easy to read yet scholarly. Great illustrations. Space in the margins for notes. Good chapter overviews and summaries. Nice T/F questions to prime the reader. Sources used appropriately. It is truly the ideal textbook.
The format, layout, and writing style make this the text that other writers should follow.
Book Description
Beneath the histories of religious traditions--from biblical wars to crusading ventures and great acts of martyrdom--violence has lurked as a shadowy presence. Images of death have never been far from the heart of religion's power to stir the imagination. In this wide-ranging and erudite book, Mark Juergensmeyer asks one of the most important and perplexing questions of our age: Why do religious people commit violent acts in the name of their god, taking the lives of innocent victims and terrorizing entire populations?
This, the first comparative study of religious terrorism, explores incidents such as the World Trade Center explosion, Hamas suicide bombings, the Tokyo subway nerve gas attack, and the killing of abortion clinic doctors in the United States. Incorporating personal interviews with World Trade Center bomber Mahmud Abouhalima, Christian Right activist Mike Bray, Hamas leaders Sheik Yassin and Abdul Azis Rantisi, and Sikh political leader Simranjit Singh Mann, among others, Juergensmeyer takes us into the mindset of those who perpetrate and support violent acts. In the process, he helps us understand why these acts are often associated with religious causes and why they occur with such frequency at this moment in history.
Terror in the Mind of God places these acts of violence in the context of global political and social changes, and posits them as attempts to empower the cultures of violence that support them. Juergensmeyer analyzes the economic, ideological, and gender-related dimensions of cultures that embrace a central sacred concept--cosmic war--and that employ religion to demonize their enemies.
Juergensmeyer's narrative is engaging, incisive, and sweeping in scope. He convincingly shows that while, in many cases, religion supplies not only the ideology but also the motivation and organizational structure for the perpetrators of violent acts, it also carries with it the possibilities for peace.
Los Angeles Times Best Nonfiction Book of 2000
Download Description
Since September 11, 2001, we all need tools to help us understand what motivates religious terrorism. In this wide-ranging and erudite book, Mark Juergensmeyer asks one of the most important and perplexing questions of our age: Why do religious people commit violent acts in the name of their god, taking the lives of innocent victims and terrorizing entire populations? This, the first comparative study of religious terrorism, explores incidents such as the World Trade Center explosion, Hamas suicide bombings, the Tokyo subway nerve gas attack, and the killing of abortion clinic doctors in the United States. Updated with a new preface addressing the events of September 11, the book incorporates personal interviews with World Trade Center bomber Mahmud Abouhalima, Christian Right activist Mike Bray, Hamas leaders Sheik Yassin and Abdul Azis Rantisi, and Sikh political leader Simranjit Singh Mann, among others, Juergensmeyer takes us into the mindset of those who perpetrate and support violent acts. In the process, he helps us understand why these acts are often associated with religious causes and why they occur with such frequency at this moment in history. Terror in the Mind of God places these acts of violence in the context of global political and social changes, and posits them as attempts to empower the cultures of violence that support them. Juergensmeyer analyzes the economic, ideological, and gender-related dimensions of cultures that embrace a central sacred concept--cosmic war--and that employ religion to demonize their enemies. Juergensmeyer's narrative is engaging, incisive, and sweeping in scope. He convincingly shows that while, in many cases, religion supplies not only the ideology but also the motivation and organizational structure for the perpetrators of violent acts, it also carries with it the possibilities for peace. Los Angeles Times Best Nonfiction Book of 2000
Customer Reviews:
Religion and violence are not linked always.......2006-12-21
The thesis of this book is that religion and violence are always linked and that all religions are the same in having a violent strain and that all religions have violence in them naturally because religion is violent.
This is blatently and historically untrue. In attempting, like so many works, to not single out Islam as violent this book wants the reader to beleive that Buddhism, Sikhism, Hinduism, Christianity, Judaism and all religions are equally violent and a study of each reveals a strain of hate. Timothy Mcveigh is the Christian, the Sikh Kalistan fighters are the Sikhs, The Tamils are the Hindus, Osama is the Muslims, The strange terror cell in Japan is the Buddhist. This is easy. Rather tahn doing a comprehensive study this book found one murderer from each religion that led a sect and said "see this religion has a strain of violence". However Timothy Mcveigh was one man as were the Buddhist extremists in Japan. The Tamils are not religious, there ware is based on ethnicity. Where are the Jewish terrorists, well there must be Baruch Goldstien and recall those Jewish Zealots 2000 years ago.
This is sheer lunacy. Different religions did indeed engage is certain levels of violence throughout history. THat is true. THere are also different forms of religions and religions change. Religions that were once violent or state controlled like Christianity and Buddhism, have become peaceful. Religions like Sikhism are naturally warrior based religions, but not neccesarily violent. Hinduism has never manifested itself violently, and Judaism hasnt been violent since the time of the revolt and that was a national revolt. This is just a gigantic scam. Islam has violent passages in the Koran. But this doesnt mean Bin Laden is timothy Mcveigh.
It is also not true that religion is 'more' violent than secular societies. Hitler and Stalin killed more people in 5 years than any religion has ever done. If anything religion may work as a hand holding violence back but helping unify it when it takes place.
Seth J. Frantzman
Survey of Religious terrorism.......2006-02-28
Excellent book covering all the major religions and their terrorists. I would recommend this book to anyone looking for a scholarly survey or someone looking to make more sense of the world.
Many of the cases explored are chilling in their cold bloodedness, but the author makes all of them eminently understandable.
Juergensmeyer has done his research!.......2005-10-12
This book is being used in a Terrorism seminar class that I am taking and for good reason. Juergensmeyer does not rely wholly on second hand information but has actually visited and spoken with those accused and some even convicted of terror and gives a perspective that only a first hand knowledge would provide. This is an excellent insight into the minds of true idealists with a bent on death and destruction.
Religion and Violence in a postmodern context.......2005-06-10
As a comparative cultural study of religious terrorism, Mark Juergensmeyer attempts to explain how and why religion and violence are linked. Juergensmeyer analyzes recent incidents of global religious terrorism in order to illumine overarching patterns that heighten the risk of religious violence. Splitting his book into two parts, Juergensmeyer, first, highlights examples of religious terrorism within the Christian, Jewish, Muslim, Sikh, and Buddhist traditions. The author interviews religious leaders and activists within cultures of violence present in each of these traditions. In the second part of the book, Juergensmeyer identifies those characteristics that enhance the likelihood of religion becoming violent.
Juergensmeyer believes the first common denominator in religious extremism is the act of violence itself: terrorism is a theatrical display of violence. According to the author, these acts are performance events, inasmuch that they make symbolic, not strategic, statements. They are performative acts, insofar as they attempt to create change. The location and the time of the violent act, also, have symbolic purpose. Terrorism needs an audience, somebody to terrify, in order to be effective, and with the technological advancements of the twentieth century, the audience of this theatre is virtually global.
If religious terrorism is violent theatre, the image of a cosmic war provides the script. Violent activists view their terrorist acts as part of a larger spiritual confrontation, a battle between good and evil, between God and God's enemies. With the notion of warfare, compromise is not possible and violence, naturally, is morally justified. Religious symbols also undergird religious terrorism: all religions have symbols to overcome the images of death, disorder, and disarray. Religion asserts the primacy of meaning and order in the face of chaos, in this case, a world gone awry. Juergensmeyer identifies when these symbols can become deadly and when confrontation is likely to be characterized as a cosmic war.
The processes of satanization and empowerment are a result of viewing the world as engulfed in a cosmic war. Juergensmeyer believes that terrorists believe that they are victims, and this justifies their violent actions. If they die in their cause they are martyrs - again, religious symbolism overcoming disorder - sacrificed for their community and religion. With every war, enemies must be created, and as such the process of demonizing the enemy is important. Terrorists must deny the personhood of the enemy and create stereotypes so that the enemy can be seen as individuals. Juergensmeyer explains the process of satanization, the creation of a cosmic foe, and the process of empowerment, to create the hope that history can be changed, are integral parts of the mentalities caused by the image of cosmic warfare.
Religious violence provides a sense of empowerment to religious activists and their communities. According to the author, all terrorists fear social marginalization. In general terrorism is a male occupation, and women have minor ancillary roles, if at all. This gender specificity implies that sexuality is a factor in militant movements: sexual control needs to be established in a world gone awry, seen in active subjugation of women and homosexuality. Juergensmeyer finds commonality in terrorist groups: they are "anti-institutional, religio-nationalist, racist, sexist, male-bonding, bomb-throwing young guys," (210). Their marginality is experienced through sexual despair, which leads to violent acts of empowerment. Religious terrorists recognize they are in a struggle that cannot be won, but by dismantling the state's monopoly on power, the group demonstrates their power on behalf of the powerless.
In his concluding chapter, Juergensmeyer believes that terrorists would do anything if they believed it sanctioned by God. Because of the increasing secularism and liberalism prevalent in the world, religious terrorists seek to vault their religious views, perceived as both marginalized and traditional, into the mainstream. Secular governments are by nature enemies of these terrorist organizations, and violence is an attempt to reclaim this public sphere. Juergensmeyer, extrapolating from current trends, concludes with five ways in which religious terrorism can be resolved: terrorist organizations can be literally destroyed; terrorists can be frightened into submission by the threat of violent reprisals or imprisonment; the goals of the terrorists can be accommodated; the religious aspects are separated from politics; or religion and politics can be reconciled. Juergensmeyer believes the last solution to be the most successful.
Comprehending the nearly incomprehensible.......2004-09-15
Attempts a cohesive sociological analysis of the putative causal relationship of religious piety and extreme violence, on the premise that it is crucially important that we know if the two are related.
If they are not related, we have a largely incomprehensible phenomenon with the rise of terrorism among religous groups and the use of religious justification for violence. If they are related, it becomes more difficult to explain the use of non-religious rationales for violence and terror.
I think Juergensmeyer does a first class job of research here and a really excellent job of pulling together his findings and making sense of the way violence arises at the extremes of a wide variety of religions. Most importantly, he identifies the conditions under which piety "becomes" violence in some sense, based on the broad idea that we use religion to make sense of the world, and under extreme conditions, symbols of war and expr
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