Book Description
Twenty-five years ago, when Pat Robertson and other radio and televangelists first spoke of the United States becoming a Christian nation that would build a global Christian empire, it was hard to take such hyperbolic rhetoric seriously. Today, such language no longer sounds like hyperbole but poses, instead, a very real threat to our freedom and our way of life. In American Fascists, Chris Hedges, veteran journalist and author of the National Book Award finalist War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning, challenges the Christian Right's religious legitimacy and argues that at its core it is a mass movement fueled by unbridled nationalism and a hatred for the open society.
Hedges, who grew up in rural parishes in upstate New York where his father was a Presbyterian pastor, attacks the movement as someone steeped in the Bible and Christian tradition. He points to the hundreds of senators and members of Congress who have earned between 80 and 100 percent approval ratings from the three most influential Christian Right advocacy groups as one of many signs that the movement is burrowing deep inside the American government to subvert it. The movement's call to dismantle the wall between church and state and the intolerance it preaches against all who do not conform to its warped vision of a Christian America are pumped into tens of millions of American homes through Christian television and radio stations, as well as reinforced through the curriculum in Christian schools. The movement's yearning for apocalyptic violence and its assault on dispassionate, intellectual inquiry are laying the foundation for a new, frightening America.
American Fascists, which includes interviews and coverage of events such as pro-life rallies and weeklong classes on conversion techniques, examines the movement's origins, its driving motivations and its dark ideological underpinnings. Hedges argues that the movement currently resembles the young fascist movements in Italy and Germany in the 1920s and '30s, movements that often masked the full extent of their drive for totalitarianism and were willing to make concessions until they achieved unrivaled power. The Christian Right, like these early fascist movements, does not openly call for dictatorship, nor does it use
physical violence to suppress opposition. In short, the movement is not yet revolutionary. But the ideological architecture of a Christian fascism is being cemented in place. The movement has roused its followers to a fever pitch of despair and fury. All it will take, Hedges writes, is one more national crisis on the order of September 11 for the Christian Right to make a concerted drive to destroy American democracy. The movement awaits a crisis. At that moment they will reveal themselves for what they truly are -- the American heirs to fascism. Hedges issues a potent, impassioned warning. We face an imminent threat. His book reminds us of the dangers liberal, democratic societies face when they tolerate the intolerant.
Customer Reviews:
Read this Book - Watch this Documentary - Then weep.......2007-10-07
I knew nothing about this, but now that I do it helps.
"Our cup runneth over with Enron arrogance and integrity. To fully understand what has gone so very wrong in this country you have only to watch the documentary, 'The Smartest Guys in the Room.' You will come face to face with incomprehensible evil, and naturally, George H.W. Bush and family are right in the middle of it.
"'I went to Washington to challenge the soft bigotry of low expectations,' the president said in his campaign for reelection in September 2004. 'It's working. It's making a difference.' It is one of those deadly lies, which, by sheer repetition, is at length accepted by large numbers of Americans as, perhaps, a rough approximation of the truth. But it is not the truth, and it is not an innocent misstatement of the facts. It is a devious appeasement of the heartache of the parents of the poor and, if it is not forcefully resisted and denounced, it is going to lead our nation even further in a perilous direction."
I had never heard of this book or documentary, and now I know why. Most Americans do not want to deal with facts like these. They want to stay in Camelot, but all that, like Enron is going to end. And this time, it'll not be someone else's life savings, it will be their's, and there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth all across this once great nation.
RAISES QUESTIONS AND SHEDS LIGHT.......2007-10-03
This rather incredible piece of scholarship raised some interesting questions:
What created the Fundamentalist Movement, and from where did it derive it followers?
What created the NRA, and to what Christian sects do its members belong?
Why did a government "by the people and for the people" give itself a Constitutional Right to Bear Arms"? And who will decide when and where those arms will be used?
Can now extinct religious strife be incited among the American Christian sects, or will they turn on those who are inciting them to religious strife?
To what ideological categories do those who have progressively secularlized the laws and schools belong?
Did the Christian God ever give His followers the right to practice Human sacrifice?
Did this author deliberately confuse his fantasies with reality?
Why is an excellent education so often not a cure for ingraind ideological prejudices?
Why is the Human the only species that is religious?
Who is afraid of Christian cultures?
Why do scare mongering books sell more copies?
What finally turns cultural wars into civil wars?
For thoughtful Americans who are unfamiliarity with this kind of fascist-baiting by elements in some of the popular press and schools, that has been going for at least 40 years, it sheds light on the fascist-baiting mentality. Historically, fascist-baiting is much older than this: it goes on everytime there is a new Christian revivalist movement.
Corporate Christo-Fascism's minds (and able-bodies) snatching.......2007-10-02
Upon finishing authoritative Chris Hedges's book (it's true: his credentials are impeccable), I think of a vision: arson fire set to a huge cinema theatre crowded with people distraught with sitcoms and "American Idol" and the like. Someone cries "Fire! Get out of here! but nobody seem to move, or grasp the full significance of the words, or the menace that now is full real. I sincerely hope the audience wakes up in time, that they render this a mere fantasy of the WASP Fundamentalists, and the American Christian right is not snatching minds and wills to such an alarming extent through false prophets and a false warrior Christ.
I knew W. Bush was their born-again Christian. I didn't know he had created by decree... (well, you'll see in the notes). From the innards Hedges exposes the connivance between corporate America and the powerful Dominionist leaders who in turn have their people's hands into the US Constitution to accommodate it to their own ends. For decades they've had the Economic and Political means. Now they're bent on really winning the hearts and minds of an intellectually challenged population so they'll be useful in the war against nonbelievers, who are us all who do not, and will not, share their distorted views or approve their robbing reality from under the feet of so many unwitting people.
Among the impressive images there is the gathering in a desert resort of the New Class, the rich who will be raptured into Heaven (the poor are condemned, they're nonbelievers), and how they consort with the Catholic right and especially with Israeli representatives. Of course they have a racist hatred of Arabs, who they count as the main nonbelievers to righteously destroy. Really, if they read their Bibles literally, they would see that Arabs are descended from Ishmael, son of Abraham and Hagar, both of them thrown into the desert by Sarah's hurt pride so Isaac will be the heir. They will read also that God talks to Hagar, pledges protection for them and Ishmael's descendants. Therefore per the Bible and other sources, both peoples -Jews and Arabs- are semitic, having Abraham as their ultimate father, and anyone hating Arabs is also being anti-semitic. It woudl seem that Jews -who've had their huge portion of suffering themselves, especially poor Jews- have appropriated the name "semite" for themselves. Especially in "The New Class" is evident the upside down reality the American Fascists have created for their followers to live in, as compared to what the authentic Jesus Christ really taught as His doctrine. Never mind that the true Jesus, though a rabbi by right, made Himself one of the poorest in his homeland, and never had the refinement to pronounce "thou" or "thine", surely speaking in Aramaic as the language of the fishermen and peasants in Judea. Never mind that what Jesus taught in Judea was "A new commandment I give unto thee, that thou lovest..." (aw shucks). Again: "A new commandment I give unto you, that you love your neighbor just as you love yourselves." Christ never qualified what kind of neighbor, whether they should be white Anglo-Saxon Protestant, Black, yellow, brown, whatever. He just said the word translated into Latin and Spanish as "the one right next to you", i.e., "próximo" or "prójimo".
Using the tactics of a refined Scientology (I know, I lost a friend to that greedy "church" here in Mexico), only now taking advantage of deeper religious roots, the American Christian Right aspire to resurrect Lord God of Hosts in the mind of anyone having the disgrace to be approached in a moment of despair, and aspire to prepare them to aide in the ultimate Apocalypse, which they will have one way or the other. Unlike Scientology, darker and more evil goals are at play. They masterly bide their time in accordance to US's rulers' bellicous schemes, say an attack on the Middle East, and uncannily coordinate it with the race toward nuclear war. For this purpose they use every resource, even "museums" that, lacking sound scientific bases, are more like childish theme parks so that followers can feel they've had a spiritual "coming-of-age".
As for Mr. D. James Kenndy totally false notion (which I doubt even he believes) that Catholicism is no more than a "cult", please note that the true Christ taught first to the Jews to fulfill the prophecies, then to the Gentiles so that salvation could reach the most hidden corners of the Earth. Upon the creation of Christianity the Catholic church became its visible representative, it is from Catholicism's mother lode that Protestantism was born, and it is both faiths' teachings that now Messrs. Kennedy, Dobson, Robertson and the like take unashamed advantage of to create their lying, lucrative dogmas. Then they seek total war on unbelievers to boot. Having never witnessed war, I think how stupidly glib must be comments on war from people who've never been in a battlefield or a massacre, never have seen or touched dead bodies, felt or smelled fresh blood, or witnessed the authentic despair of the survivors, who for the rest of their lives will be encroached by the most extreme post-traumatic stress which will go untreated for as long as Empire-minded Christian right persists in their dreams of Rapture and Political and Religious supremacy. Has anyone reader even have a war nightmare? Being under sniper fire in Oaxaca? Being in the middle of the nastiest massacre in a hospital-school in a field in a Central-American impoverished country? May God wake up decent Americans that they may join forces of reason to revive the true prestige of the United States of America, that is, not being the Ultimate Imperialist Force, but the Philosophical and Ethical Beacon the US was once considered to be. Keep in mind that the authentic Christ came as a watershed separating Israeli primitive tribes' Lord God of Hosts from the Authentic Superior God of Love; love to your neighbor: the one right next to you, anyplace, anytime.
What's my vested interest in this as a Mexican and an American (as I live in the American continent)? With Benedict XVI as Pope, Catholicism is grossly regressing into the right with all the resulting injustice. The American Christian Right use Catholics as allies and despise them. As a semi-preserved Catholic who read her Bible since she was ten, I knew of the massacres that the people of Israel justified as mandated by the God Lord of Hosts, I witnessed how Christ sent His Apostles to go and teach; he didn't specify who to teach or not. He just said Go and Teach. Poor (nonbelievers) in my country are poorer than ever in large part due to US-advocated policies; foreign priests are sent our way to urge the poor to accept their plight and wait for Heaven. I'm sure they'll go right into Heaven as they have lived for so long in Hell. Even the richer classes should see the convenience of not letting the lower classes (in their own country or otherwise) fall lower. The former slave Frederick Douglass once said, " Where justice is denied, where poverty is enforced, where ignorance prevails, and where any one class is made to feel that society is an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob and degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe." I doubt Bush know who Douglass was, but any USAmerican who dares go out of his/her bubble will see this is a reality wherever the American supremacists have trodden on justice on this Earth.
I for one would argue that religions divide; if the true Christ is one with God, then only the authentic God unites. And that is precisely what Fascists do not want.
Very interesting reading........2007-09-27
I heard Mr. Hedges on C-Span the first time I ever heard of him. I cannot remember if it was a review or reading of the book. But what he said made me interested enough to read the book. I found it was very interesting and solid writing.
STORM WARNING RED.......2007-09-22
Everyone concerned with the rising tide of fascism in America under the guise of Christian religious fervor should read this book. People who kill in the name of Jesus Christ are beyond the pale -- devoid of truth and reason. Hedges nails them to the cross they burden others with. The only caveat is that Hedges seems to be as befuddled about Christianity as the ersatz Christians he excoriates. Perhaps he spent too much time in theological cemeteries. Nonetheless, his warning is timely and should be well heeded.
Book Description
A century after Appomattox, the civil rights movement won full citizenship for black Americans in the South. It should not have been necessary: by 1870 those rights were set in the Constitution. This is the story of the terrorist campaign that took them away.
Nicholas Lemann opens his extraordinary new book with a riveting account of the horrific events of Easter 1873 in Colfax, Louisiana, where a white militia of Confederate veterans-turned-vigilantes attacked the black community there and massacred hundreds of people in a gruesome killing spree. This was the start of an insurgency that changed the course of American history: for the next few years white Southern Democrats waged a campaign of political terrorism aiming to overturn the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and challenge President Grant’ssupport for the emergent structures of black political power. The remorseless strategy of well-financed “White Line” organizations was to create chaos and keep blacks from voting out of fear for their lives and livelihoods. Redemption is the first book to describe in uncompromising detail this organized racial violence, which reached its apogee in Mississippi in 1875.
Lemann bases his devastating account on a wealth of military records, congressional investigations, memoirs, press reports, and the invaluable papers of Adelbert Ames, the war hero from Maine who was Mississippi’s governor at the time. When Ames pleaded with Grant for federal troops who could thwart the white terrorists violently disrupting Republican political activities, Grant wavered, and the result was a bloody, corrupt election in which Mississippi was
“redeemed”—that is, returned to white control.
Redemption makes clear that this is what led to the death of Reconstruction—and of the rights encoded in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. We are still living with the consequences.
Customer Reviews:
A Needed Corrective.......2007-04-11
Nicholas Lemann's book "Redemption: The Last Battle of the Civil War," focuses on mostly forgotten and often sanitized versions of specific incidents that marked the end of Reconstruction and the regaining by White Southerns of state and local government institutions leading to Jim Crow and Segregation that continued for another 90 years or so. The book, relatively brief, examines in detail several incidents, one in Lousiana, the others in Mississippi where local vigalante groups seized control from local black officials through intimidation and massacres. It is perhaps not coincidential that the worst offenses took place in Mississippi, and perhaps some sort of rough justice that in exchange Mississippi remained for decades afterwards on the lowest rung of the ladder among the states in nearly every social and economic ranking.
Much of the book is through the eyes of one Adelbert Ames, a Union general, senator and governor of Mississippi, as revealed in the copius correspondence with his wife, Blanche Butler, who most of the time remained at home in the North. Because of weariness of the part of the North, insufficient troops, deliberate foot-dragging by US officials sympathetic to the South, and indecisiveness on the part of President Grant, these events from 1874-76 were allowed to precede with little intervention and protection of Black citizens. In effect, the withdrawal of Northern troops in 1877, the result of a compromise that ended the electoral stalemate in the Hayes/Tilden presidential election of 1876, overturned a major achievement of the Civil War, namely full citizenship and voting privileges for former African slaves. The result was another dark stain on American history and our pretenses of a just and equitable society where everyone has the chance to be president.
Because of its brevity, the book suffers from a lack of context of how overall Reconstruction had proceeded in the South, it's weaknesses and its victories. The book also would have been improved through a map, particularly Mississippi and the various places where the rampages of the vigantes took place. Another improvement would have been photographs of the several colorful characters portrayed. But all in all, for a brief look at an important moment in American history, the book is highly recommended.
Last Battle?.......2007-03-14
The subtitle is a little bit of a cheat, for the Civil War was long over by the time the massacres of 1875 began, but after reading Nicholas Lemann's book on the failure of Reconstruction and the life of Civil War General Adelbert Ames, I can see why he decided to bend the truth and capture the huge Civil War market.
he shows how JFK was a patsy to the Southern Conservative myth of Reconstruction and how, in PROFILES IN COURAGE (1956) Kennedy included Lucius Lamar of Mississippi as an avatar of courage, when in actuality he was a liar and a bigot and was personally responsible for the deaths of thousands of Mississippi freedmen. What was JFK thinking? Well, as Lemann points out, this was not an anomaly in Kennedy's otherwise antiracist public profile. Indeed it was part and parcel of his curiously suspect voting record and public stand towards the race question. It was as though, in the polarized 1950s, he had to keep the Southern Democrats happy in order to win their support for the campaign he saw coming his way. PROFILES IN COURAGE dismisses Adelbert Ames, Lemann's (admittedly flawed) hero, as a mere carpetbagger, not worthy of living in Mississippi, a `foreigner' and an Abolitionist. The strange thing is that, he lived so long (at age 98, he was the oldest surviving Civil War officer) his daughter Blanche was on hand to shame Kennedy into agreeing to change future editions of PROFILES. Then her years of disappointment began, for even though Senator, and then President Kennedy, had agreed to re-research Reconstruction, he never did, and when she kept bugging him he enlisted the help of her grandson, "Paper Lion" George Plimpton, to call his honorable kinswoman off his back. Of course all of these people had incredible privilege and wealth.
A needed corrective to the Reconstruction story.......2007-02-24
Having lived in the South for the first 21 years of my life, I can attest to the staying power of the myths of Reconstruction and the succeeding era which I was taught to call Redemption.
The central motif of these myths is that of courageous, heroic whites finally standing up to a brutal Northern occupation, but turning to violence only when physically threatened.
Some prominent historians -- Eric Foner in particular -- have been forthright and comprehensive in setting out the true facts. In my readings, there have been two aspects still missing from such large-scale works. First of all, a visceral, detailed accounting of the intensity of white-on-black violence has been needed. Second, we have lacked a nuanced, detailed biography of Adelbert Ames, perhaps the best exemplar of the promise interracial cooperation held for the South.
In "Redemption", journalist Nicholas Lemann makes an attempt to remedy both these insufficiencies in a narrative aimed at the non-specialist reader. Instead of giving us a comprehensive study of how integrated southern state governments were driven from power, Lemann chooses instead to focus primarily on the single example of Mississippi, with some inclusion of parallel events in neighboring Louisiana. And the story of Reconstruction Mississippi cannot successfully be understood without considering the career of New Englander Adelbert Ames, a Union veteran who became first the state's senator and then governor during this period.
Lemann recounts instance upon instance of politically-inspired and deadly violence that steadily drove Republican voters, especially blacks, from the polls. While many leading white Democrats maintained deniability and claimed that such attacks were rare and always provoked by the other side, and while President Grant's commitment to federal protection decisively waned, Governor Ames cast off his naivete and tried to counter with what forces he could muster. But without timely federal intervention, this proved an impossible task. Ames was finally forced to face facts, and he resigned the governorship and left the state for good. The Solid South was born with violence as midwife.
Lemann's choices mean that he needs to do three things well. First, with respect to bringing home the intensity, pervasiveness, and comprehensive effects of the violence, Lemann is especially convincing, at least within Mississippi (and to a less significant extent Louisiana). Second, his incorporation of an Ames biography is in itself valuable and multi-faceted. But it doesn't serve as a full-fledged biography due to the author's chronological boundaries. We do learn of Ames' background and his significant relationships with others, most notably his wife and father-in-law; these are important in understanding Ames' behavior in Mississippi. But for Ames' life after Mississippi, Lemann takes only a cursory wrap-up approach.
Finally, we should expect Lemann to do a convincing job of integrating these two intersecting narratives. In this he is largely successful. But there are moments when his attention to the details of Ames' life, while welcome to this reader, may yet seem only remotely relevant to the larger story of the Redemption era.
In 1933 Adelbert Ames became the last Civil War officer to die. The myths of Redemption have lived on long after, and Lemann's book is a significant contribution to puncturing those myths and establishing the truth.
Mississippi Burning.......2007-02-09
This is a story on how government failed, how the civil rights of freed slaves and blacks became a political playground of hate and deceit and how victory on the battlefield was lost to thugs & cowards. It clearly shows how history can be manipulated by the criminals who ushered in a sordid era of Jim Crow laws while others looked away.
Author Nicholas Lemann does a magnificent job in detailing the death of Reconstruction through white terrorism in Mississippi in the 1870s, which emboldened the white racists throughout the south to institute what became known as the "Mississippi Plan" of intimidation and murder to seize power in every government institution and to kick blacks back into servitude.
The heroes are the victims - the blacks and some white Republicans - who boldly stood alone while the mobs seized control in a revolution of aversion, and then afterwards wrote the articles and books, whose key lies are still being taught as factual history today.
You will be angered as Lemann explains as a reporter how Reconstruction was lost. But then look around, and realize that the subtitle, The Last Battle of the Civil War, may be incorrect. Unless this country confronts the harsh realities of the past, the last battle of the Civil War has yet to be fought, or won.
America's Own Terrorists.......2007-02-04
In this short historical account, Nicholas Lemann tells the disturbing story of how ex-confederates in Mississippi brought about the end of Reconstruction in 1875 through an orchestrated campaign of savagery and deception.
The "Mississippi Plan" employed an ugly and brutal pattern: when freed slaves attempted to exercise their political rights--by convening political rallies, becoming candidates for office or simply trying to vote--southern whites responded with hellish violence, not merely fighting the freed slaves, but coldly murdering them in front of friends or family or, worse, hunting them down if they fled.
To justify their heinous conduct, the whites invented an emotionally laden cover story that, to this very day, resonates among the American public. In their view, the violence was necessary to forestall imminent "Negro uprisings," prevent rape and pillage by brutish and bestial blacks, and redeem the honor of the south from the depredation of northern carpetbaggers who seized control of the political system by duping or bribing the newly freed slaves.
The key to the Mississippi Plan was the public relations tactic of presenting the organized slaughter of blacks as random local incidents, a tactic that discouraged President Grant from sending federal troops to secure the rights of the newly enfranchised citizens. Absent this safeguard, the intimidation worked, and the Democrats won control of key offices, despite significant Republican majorities among registered or potential voters. With the outcome of the presidential election of 1876 in dispute, the nation embraced the "Compromise of 1877" in which the Democrats agreed to let Rutherford Hayes become president and the Republicans agreed to the removal of the remaining federal troops from the South. Reconstruction was over.
Much of this tale is told through the eyes of Adelbert Ames, a Northerner and celebrated Union Army general who was elected Governor of Mississippi by the multitude of new black voters. Sometimes the book reads like a biography of Ames. Only at the end does Lemann step back from the detailed account and provide the larger picture of how the "Mississippi Plan" became the blueprint for the entire Southern strategy to end Reconstruction and how the nation shamefully abandoned its commitment to true citizenship for blacks.
As I read "Redemption," a profound sense of disgust and outrage rose within me. So horrific, repulsive, and needless was the conduct of the Southern Democrats that, at times, I felt Lemann must have been omitting facts that would have balanced the story. But this is precisely Lemann's point: when Southerners today celebrate the honor and courage of Dixie, they are endorsing a fiction that was invented in 1875. There was no honor, only terror of helpless black victims.
Book Description
A wake up call to lovers of liberty everywhere and a call to action to conservatives and Christians to defend the religious freedom envisioned and practiced by the founders.
Customer Reviews:
A well-deserved title on a timely subject!.......2007-06-02
Limbaugh has published an excellent account of the Left's unhindered hate for Christians and Christianity. An excellent title which every Christian should own and tell their friends about.
Powerful.......2007-05-11
Indeed, in the beginning it was Roman Catholics persecuting against Christians, and now its people that don't believe in God at all that persecute Christians. So the two extremes, once in the Dark Ages it was dictator popes, now its ACLUs and liberals.
But in the end, we have victory, do we not?
Need to be read by all........2007-03-23
Each chapter is filled with examples of conflict between secular liberals and the majority of American citizens with a Judeo-Christian worldview. Christians who are only exposed to mass media and who's pastors/priests, rabbis preach "safe" sermons may not be aware that we are in a struggle to maintain the America our parents grew up in. As one who attended university late-in-life, I experienced what Mr. Limbaugh has to say about liberal professors. Had I been fresh out of high school I would have been easy prey to their propaganda. Every American citizen needs the information available in this book. It can be troubling but ignorance breeds apathy.
Chronicles of anti-Christian bigotry.......2006-09-13
How can someone possibly manage to fill a 400-page book with example after example of Christians being persecuted in the United States? Only if there happens to be a whole lot of cases of Christian persecution. And that is just what Limbaugh demonstrates in this frightening but much-needed book.
He makes it quite clear that Christians are regularly being vilified, abused, threatened, maligned and discriminated against, especially by the ruling elites. Thus our media, our schools, our courts, our governments and our entertainers seem to have declared open season on the followers of Jesus.
Ironically, most of the persecution is coming from those who shout the loudest about toleration and acceptance. The various radical activists and trendy lobby groups are keen on acceptance - when it comes to their causes - but are quite happy to shout down, oppose and vilify anyone who opposes their agenda. Thus some of the main persecutors of Christians have been the homosexual activists, the PC brigade, and the radical feminists, along with their institutional supporters.
This harassment and persecution amounts to an undeclared war on Christianity. While we expect this sort of activity in atheistic nations and former communist regimes, it is remarkable to find it happening on such a large scale in America. Yet as the subtitle of this book explains, liberals are waging war against Christianity.
And as Limbaugh points out, this is even more ironic given the nation's founding. America was largely established on Judeo-Christian principles and beliefs, and its basic strengths and liberties spring forth from this soil. As a result, many of the freedoms and blessings enjoyed by Americans are being whittled away as the attack on Christianity extends throughout the nation.
The classroom is a classic case in point. The public school system has simply become a hotbed of secular humanism and anti-Christian bigotry. Limbaugh provides chilling examples of how our educational system is purging schools of any trace of faith.
Indeed, the examples are so numerous and so alarming that is hard to know where to begin. Consider just a few scenarios. In 1995 a US District judge in Texas said that any student saying the word "Jesus" would be arrested and spend 6 months in jail. A Vermont kindergarten student was expressly forbidden to say "God is not dead" to his classmates.
A teacher was rebuked for leaving religious literature in a New Jersey school faculty lounge, while literature trashing the `religious right' was plentiful and fully allowed. After the 1999 Columbine High School massacre, students painted tiles and placed them above their lockers to help in the grieving process. Around 90 of them were removed however because they contained inflammatory rhetoric such as "God is love."
Prayer of course has been banned, and textbooks even mentioning biblical characters are considered offensive and therefore must be removed. Choirs are banned from performing at school functions. And in the place of religion, we have a tidal wave of pro-homosexual activism, sex education, death education, values clarification and the like being foisted upon our hapless students. The examples are as numerous as they are mind-boggling.
Limbaugh rightly asks, what is happening to a nation that sees faith as an enemy and every sordid vice as a virtue?
Much of the suppression and hostility to the expression of Christianity comes from a faulty understanding of the so-called separation of church and state doctrine. Limbaugh examines this closely and shows that the founding fathers had no intention of eliminating religion from public life. The idea was merely to prevent one religion from becoming the state religion.
But the original intent of the founding fathers has been remarkably transmogrified by the secularists. Public education today simply bears no resemblance to how it first appeared. Indeed, Limbaugh reminds us that almost all of our earliest colleges were founded by Christians to train men and women in the ministry. Harvard, Princetown and Yale, for example, began as Christian training centers. Things have obviously changed markedly since then.
The courts, the media, the workplace, and the political realm also are full of anti-Christian bigotry. Limbaugh shows with countless examples that a once great nation based on Judeo-Christian principles is being shorn of any vestige of religion - much to our great peril.
Indeed, Limbaugh finishes his book with a review of the Christian heritage that helped to make America a free and prosperous nation. It was the Christian roots that gave rise to a great republic. But much of that is being undone by the secularisation process marching through the land.
Limbaugh reminds us that religious freedom is too important to give up without a fight, and that our Judeo-Christian heritage has served us well. The secularists may think their cause is progressive, but as this book shows, it is instead regressive, causing untold damage and destruction.
Forgive them, Father for the Conservatives know not what they do...........2006-07-13
Yes, I am a Christian, and I believe in all of the teachings of christianity. But I do not support the conservative's constant attack of democratic liberals.... it's the simple example of stereo-typing. I can garantee there are millions of atheist conservative republicans... I used to have a friend who was. This book is trying to make democrats look bad by using the atheists of the left against them. That's similar to Southern Black discrimination... everyone tought they were lower and disgusting because they used to be slaves. But that wasn't what they were on the inside.
Also, I think there should be a seperation between church and state, because otherwise falsified religious fanatics (Like Ann coulter and David Limbaugh)would rule the country and launch a crusade on islamic countries. These authors have no christian morals whatsoever, and Bush, who supposedly is some kind of "oil messiah" also doesn't. I can garantee Jesus watched the U.S. bomb Iraq, and cried, considering that the middle east is his homeland...
Also... Interacial dating is probably the best thing that has ever happened in our society. Finally, nobody even cares what color of the rainbow you are. One of the worst things anyone can do (other than kill someone) is criticize them for something they can't change, (or don't want to for that matter) So Ann Coulter, and David Limbaugh... and any other hatred-filled so called christians... read the bible for once!!! Christians are not supposed to hate. They are supposed to love. So, like hippies in the 60's said make love, not war.
Book Description
*The crucial Ohio get-out-the-vote effort that lifted Bush over Kerry.
*The Terri Schiavo controversy.
*The push for a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage.
*Attacks on Roe v. Wade.
*“Intelligent design” in our science curriculum.
The evangelical right has pushed all of these initiatives, led by the immense behind-the-scenes influence of Dr. James Dobson, the founder and chairman of Focus on the Family: an organization that has grown from its roots as a local parenting advice center to a powerful ministry that broadcasts Dr. Dobson each day on more than 3,000 radio and 80 television stations in the U.S. alone. Dobson has supplanted Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson, and Ralph Reed as the spokesman for tens of millions of American evangelical Christians--even though Dobson is not a minister, but a family therapist with a doctorate in child development.
Dobson maintains that the American political and social spectrums are firmly rooted in a centuries-old Christian tradition--one that has come under siege beginning in the 1960s, spear-headed by court rulings that have undermined the necessity of religion in public life. With the support of evangelical followers, Dobson has garnered more and support than many ever thought possible and has harnessed this power to wage a crusade in support of strengthening abortion restrictions and establishing anti-gay rights litigation.
The Jesus Machine is the first book to examine Focus on the Family as the cutting edge of the larger evangelical movement, backing what many view to be goals in common with the current political agenda of the Bush administration, as it works to become the voice of mainstream America.
Through exhaustive research, Dan Gilgoff, a Senior Reporter for US News & World Report, exposes the intricacies of the Focus on the Family’s rallying cry and the drastic implications they hold for the future of America’s political system.
Customer Reviews:
An important window into the evangelical political worldview.......2007-09-01
I am so glad I read this book. It is difficult for someone like me who believes that the intersection of religion and government is dangerous to the liberties I believe our country was founded on to understand why this movement acts in the way it does. This book helped me to see where they are coming from, without the divisive rhetoric that pervades most discussions of this topic.
I still found the evangelical vision for America a frightening one, and one I do not support, but a little knowledge about the movement helps remind me that these are human beings with deeply held beliefs, however frightening I may find them.
Very Well Written.......2007-08-24
Before reading this book, I expected that it would inevitably take sides on what has proven to be one of the most controversial issues in politics. I am pleased to report, however, that Gilgoff does an excellent job of keeping his own views and opinions (whatever they may be) out of the book, and instead relies on the facts he collected during extensive researching and interviewing. In addition, the book reads very well and flows smoothly; not at all like a textbook. I would recommend this book to anyone looking to learn more about the influence of religion in today's politics.
Name above all Names.......2007-08-14
Can we agree? This 2007 book has one of the most shameful titles in recent memory.
Still, please don't let yourself be too offended. Believers can still refer to these pages for top-flight reporting about contemporary national politics, seen through the prism of politically active evangelist Christians, especially author and radio personality Dr. James Dobson.
Use a book cover if you must. That way you won't miss this well-sourced and highly objective account of how evangelical activists helped swing our last presidential election. The author, a USNWR political reporter, obtains unprecedented access to back-room partisan maneuvering involving pastors and Capitol lobbyists. He describes in fighting among evangelicals that helps explain some rather surprising outcomes in recent U.S. Supreme Court nominations, U.S. Senate campaigns and failed attempts to amend the U.S. Constitution.
Church-going Americans vote differently. So, who will emerge to mobilize what could be the biggest single voting bloc in the 2008 election? Two things are clear, judging from this book's in-depth interviews with America's leading Christian public figures. First, there is no monolithic evangelical movement. Second, expect conservative American evangelicals to seek even greater involvement in partisan politics, despite their many disappointments chronicled here.
Next question: will new leaders like Pastor Rick Warren, author of The Purpose Driven Life: What on Earth Am I Here For? (Purpose Driven Life), step forward on the national stage to mobilize American Christians? If so, we can pray that they re-read their NIV Men's Devotional Bible to remind themselves that Jesus did not call his followers to be "power brokers". This excellent political book offers a cautionary tale (or two) of how religious leaders and sometimes their followers too easily can lose sight of What Jesus Demands from the World, especially when we stop to consider the Great Commission.
Gilgoff on CSPAN.......2007-07-28
I just learned about Gilgoff's book a few minutes ago when Gilgoff appeared on CSPAN during it's book-talk program. It was aired on a Saturday afternoon and there had to be no more than 8 or so people in the audience. I found it interesting that Gilgoff told of receiving the "nastiest email I had ever received" from none other but the good Doctor Dobson himself. So, not having yet read the book, now my curiosity is piqued. I would like to learn what set off such a nasty response from Evangelical America's finest.
Misleading Title.......2007-07-01
Readers who pick up this book based on its provocative title are likely to be disappointed. It literally is a book about "how" evangelicals are winning, and definitely not a book about "why" they are winning. Gilgoff does an excellent job of talking about how the Evangelicals have grown and expanded, but doesn't provide very much analysis on how they were able to accomplish this beyond surface issues.
The book does not address the core question of whether this expansion is appropriate, nor does it really delve into the history of religion and politics in America. The book begins, essentially, by suggesting that before the modern evangelical movement, there was no serious or organized religious-political force in America, which is somewhat historically oblivious, particularly because Evangelicals themselves assert that religion has been a prominant aspect of our society since the beginning.
I would not say this is even a neutral book, because the net-effect of the book is simply to offer flattery and praise on the expansion of evangelicals because it doesn't touch any of the sensitive issues along the way.
All in all, I would not suggest that people read this book if they are looking for analysis on the subject of evangelicals in America, unless they are looking for a broad, decontextualized survery of the topic.
Book Description
Pathologies of Power uses harrowing stories of life--and death--in extreme situations to interrogate our understanding of human rights. Paul Farmer, a physician and anthropologist with twenty years of experience working in Haiti, Peru, and Russia, argues that promoting the social and economic rights of the world's poor is the most important human rights struggle of our times. With passionate eyewitness accounts from the prisons of Russia and the beleaguered villages of Haiti and Chiapas, this book links the lived experiences of individual victims to a broader analysis of structural violence. Farmer challenges conventional thinking within human rights circles and exposes the relationships between political and economic injustice, on one hand, and the suffering and illness of the powerless, on the other.
Farmer shows that the same social forces that give rise to epidemic diseases such as HIV and tuberculosis also sculpt risk for human rights violations. He illustrates the ways that racism and gender inequality in the United States are embodied as disease and death. Yet this book is far from a hopeless inventory of abuse. Farmer's disturbing examples are linked to a guarded optimism that new medical and social technologies will develop in tandem with a more informed sense of social justice. Otherwise, he concludes, we will be guilty of managing social inequality rather than addressing structural violence. Farmer's urgent plea to think about human rights in the context of global public health and to consider critical issues of quality and access for the world's poor should be of fundamental concern to a world characterized by the bizarre proximity of surfeit and suffering.
Customer Reviews:
Health and survival as human rights.......2007-05-30
Paul Farmer, perhaps the most famous 'Third World doctor' living today, has written an eloquent and moving plea for a reconsideration of modern approaches toward healthcare in the developing nations in this book, "Pathologies of Power". Based on his personal experiences of care in Haiti, but also his professional visits to Russia, Africa, Central America, Mexico, Cuba and many other places besides, Paul Farmer demonstrates that the problematics of healthcare and those of poverty and inequality are insolubly linked in these nations. Whoever says "heal the sick" must also say "end poverty", for the one is not possible without the other; and whoever says "prevent disease" must also say "destroy socio-economic inequality", for the one is not possible without the other. That is the message of this book.
A large part of the work consists of reflections by Farmer on his experiences in Haiti and elsewhere and on the way in which the current worldwide economic structures engender a genuine and systematic violence against the rights of the poor. Strongly inspired by liberation theology (though not necessarily religious), Farmer eloquently and effectively contrasts the heavy importance attached to individual political and legal rights with the way in which the violations of rights done by structural inequalities and injustices is wholly ignored in the same circles that would complain about the former. Rights issues are the domain of jurists, development issues the domain of (liberal) economists; but the way in which the poor and weak are constantly crushed by the systematic repression that is poverty and inequality, at least as real and at least as much a violation as any torture, that seems to be the domain of nobody at all. As Paul Farmer clearly shows, even in the lately so blossoming domain of medical and bioethics the issue of socio-economic structures is completely swept under the carpet. As he says, this really is the "elephant in the room".
The same also goes for the oft-invoked importance of efficiency. Callous and counterproductive Western, often American, inspired healthcare policies in the developing nations (among which we must now sadly share Russia as well) generally fail at providing effective treatment against simple preventable disease such as TBC, because those medications that would actually help are considered "not cost-effective". This is in fact just a polite way of saying "we don't care about these people", but then phrased in a manner that will lead to less of an uproar in the newspapers. Farmer however is not fooled so easily, and sees this for what it is - a structural repression of the developing nations by the developed ones, in the name of "efficiency", i.e. efficiency in achieving the aims of the Western states.
This book is a very powerful work, and a strong indictment of the prevailing attitude towards healthcare and development issues and the little attention paid to their interrelation. It also demonstrates convincingly how the current worldwide economic system is bad for everybody's health. And what could be a more important thing than that?
Pathologies of Power.......2007-05-12
Read this book. Paul Farmer is one of the few who can enlighten us to a more profound understanding of the mechanisms that underlie disease in so many of its forms. He sees farther than most of us and comes to his conclusions with a gigantic intellect and hard hard hands-on work with the poor and ill for over 2 decades in Haiti and elsewhere. He is our Albert Schweitzer. His concept of "structural violence", that set of social and economic intrastructure deficits that set aside "rich" from "poor" and lays open the environment for not only the contagious diseases like TB and HIV, but also allows for the malnourishment and the reduced choices in nutrition, allows for the maintenance of the dearth of available health care resources, sanitation and educational systems, the conflation of which prevents protection against the illnesses of poverty, puts the reader into the realm of being forced to see a hidden and dirty truth. His prose is mutedly angry. His emotions are unmistakably righteous. His undressing of some of the "liberal" NGO mentality is eye opening. He is the real deal. Read his elegant words and get a glimpse at reality. We are sadly blinded to it by some of the "pathologies" of the powers that be. I have been a physician for almost 30 years. I've given this book to my sons who are young physicians. The thoroughness of his presentation of the causes of the societal ills that allow for the illnesses, and the bibiography that supports his theses are encylopedic in scope. Again, he is the real deal.
passion for the poor.......2007-01-18
Paul Farmer is a Harvard MD and PhD (anthropology), clinician, tuberculosis specialist, author of numerous books and scholarly articles, recipient of a MacArthur "genius" grant, and Professor of Medical Anthropology at Harvard Medical School--when he is not living in a hut in his beloved Haiti where he founded Partners in Health, or traveling a quarter million miles a year to lecture, visit prisons, or meet with George Soros or the Gates Foundation. Most important of all, Farmer is an unapologetic, outspoken, and radical advocate for the poorest of the poor. Adequate health care, he insists, is a basic human right for every human being, and our world is failing miserably in this regard. His fascinating life story is told by Pulitzer Prize winner Tracy Kidder in the book Mountains Beyond Mountains (2003).
According to a World Bank study from 1993, today in Sub-Saharan Africa "the median age at death is less than five years," (p. xi; no typographical error). Such deplorable disparities between rich and poor, Farmer writes, are not random occurrences, they are not accidental, inescapable or necessary. Rather, they result from pathologies of power, human agency, and structural violence. Quoting the liberation theologian Jon Sobrino, "The poor of the world are not the causal products of human history. No, poverty results from the actions of other human beings" (p. 143). Which is to say that the brutal asymmetry that consigns over half the world to wretchedness is not irremediable. Resignation, in fact, is the most inexcusable choice we could make. However daunting and complex, we can ameliorate these unacceptable conditions if we make other choices: "This book is a physician-anthropologist's effort to reveal the ways in which the most basic right--the right to survive--is trampled in an age of great affluence, and it argues that the matter should be considered the most pressing one of our times" (p. 6).
Farmer spends considerable time charting anecdotal evidence from his two decades of clinical practice serving the poorest of the poor. These detailed case studies from Haiti, Chiapas, Peru, Russia and Cuba are not mere examples but instead emblematic of the problem. Further, following liberation theologians who have deeply influenced him, Farmer strongly advocates listening carefully to the voices of the poor themselves, in their own words, and not only to health "experts" in Geneva, New York and Paris. "I believe," writes Farmer, that 'the poor and impoverished of the world, in virtue of their very reality, constitute the most radical question of the truth of this world, as well as the most correct response to this question'" (p. 202).
Some will dismiss rhetoric like that as from a wild-eyed idealist, or an angry extremist, but Farmer would respond that what is extreme and harsh are the conditions of way too many human beings in the world, which ought to evoke anger, and not his passionate advocacy for them (p. 254). Rather than merely "manage" these horrible social inequalities, Farmer challenges each one of us to make a difference by what he calls "pragmatic solidarity" with the poor.
Farmer lucid and compelling as ever.......2007-01-04
For anyone who is inspired by the remarkable work Paul Farmer has engaged in over the years, this book offers a sound explanation of his guiding doctrine on human rights and healthcare for the poor.
Toward a "real" medical ethics.......2006-11-11
It's a big world, but we Americans seem to reside in a small one, at least those of us fortunate enough to be insured and able to afford the health care we need. Many fellow US citizens cannot afford to be sick or ill at all, yet their needs may be tended only once they are so ill that emergency room care is required, but maybe not even then. Then there are the desperately poor of other nations and whole regions of the world that have virtually no care at all. This book is about those folks and medicine as it is currently practiced and dispensed here and abroad. Author Doctor Paul Farmer shows that modern medical practice violates the very ethos that spawned the impulse to heal in the first place.
This book has a lot of structural problems that, while off-putting, are easily ignored by the enormous contribution Farmer makes to our understanding of a set of topics that most of us have not thought about at all. This is an important and inspired book, one that is clear and easy to read, although marred by redundancy that a good editor might have helped eliminate. The thesis topic is that the desperately poor deserve more attention, not less as they now are accorded, because they are more vulnerable by definition. Farmer successfully questions the allocation of our resources toward corporate profits rather than treating the poor of the world.
Farmer's case studies based on his experience of working in Boston, Hattie, and the Russian Republic amply illustrate that our health care priorities are backward and unjust at best, pernicious and self defeating at worst. Every medical ethics course in the US ought to require this along with, or in place of, their existing textbooks that grind over the hoary issues of abortion and euthanasia, and a lot of other topics that are luxuries of a rich society that all but ignores those in greatest need.
Book Description
In 1958, an African-American handyman named Jimmy Wilson was sentenced to die in Alabama for stealing two dollars. Shocking as this sentence was, it was overturned only after intense international attention and the interference of an embarrassed John Foster Dulles. Soon after the United States' segregated military defeated a racist regime in World War II, American racism was a major concern of U.S. allies, a chief Soviet propaganda theme, and an obstacle to American Cold War goals throughout Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Each lynching harmed foreign relations, and "the Negro problem" became a central issue in every administration from Truman to Johnson.
In what may be the best analysis of how international relations affected any domestic issue, Mary Dudziak interprets postwar civil rights as a Cold War feature. She argues that the Cold War helped facilitate key social reforms, including desegregation. Civil rights activists gained tremendous advantage as the government sought to polish its international image. But improving the nation's reputation did not always require real change. This focus on image rather than substance--combined with constraints on McCarthy-era political activism and the triumph of law-and-order rhetoric--limited the nature and extent of progress.
Archival information, much of it newly available, supports Dudziak's argument that civil rights was Cold War policy. But the story is also one of people: an African-American veteran of World War II lynched in Georgia; an attorney general flooded by civil rights petitions from abroad; the teenagers who desegregated Little Rock's Central High; African diplomats denied restaurant service; black artists living in Europe and supporting the civil rights movement from overseas; conservative politicians viewing desegregation as a communist plot; and civil rights leaders who saw their struggle eclipsed by Vietnam.
Never before has any scholar so directly connected civil rights and the Cold War. Contributing mightily to our understanding of both, Dudziak advances--in clear and lively prose--a new wave of scholarship that corrects isolationist tendencies in American history by applying an international perspective to domestic affairs.
Customer Reviews:
An enlightening book on public diplomacy .......2007-01-11
If you think Las Vegas tourist ads and "listening tours" are components of public diplomacy and international relations, you need to read this book. If you think media coverage is intense now, you need to read this book. Dudziak gets into the reality and impact of media coverage forty years ago and its impact on the global information war of the time that is remarkably similar to today: "Following World War II, anything that undermined the image of American democracy was seen as threatening world peace and aiding Soviet aspiration to dominate the world... Nations were divided between a way of life 'distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression' and a way of life that "relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms."
Dudziak looks at the impact of race and the civil rights movement in the United States on American public diplomacy and foreign policy. The impact of America's "color bar" on foreign relations is astonishing and Dudziak helps contextualize the movement and government responses within contemporary pressures.
Indiscriminate actions against foreign and American dignitaries reinforced the accessibility of race-based norms to all and played into Soviet propaganda and provided a painful counternarrative that impacted US foreign relations. The US Ambassador, Chester Bowles, to India, speaking in 1952 at Yale University said, "A year, a month, or even a week in Asia is enough to convince any perceptive American that the colored peoples of Asia and Africa, who total two-thirds of the world's population, seldom think about the United States without considering the limitations under which our 13 million Negroes are living."
As we attempted to project democracy and its emphasis on equality and freedom, in opposition to Soviet tyranny, discrimination in the US was well known beyond our borders. Dudziak presents "With Us or Against Us" examples with Louis Armstrong and Josephine Baker as examples, among others. In the case of Baker, State Department officers justified censorship and hardship imposed on Baker by discounting her personal beliefs. Her "derogatory" remarks "concerning racial discrimination in the United States" were deemed to be "presenting a distorted and malicious picture of actual conditions." If we do not practice democracy, how well will our promotion of it be received? This was a real question of the time that other history books ignore and was the very question Ambassador Bowles asked.
As Dudziak wrote, "Domestic difficulties were managed by US presidents with an eye toward how their actions would play overseas." Disingenuous or factually misleading statements to justify domestic policies and opinions are not the mainstay of any single generation. While not intending to be destructive to the nation, these policies have a severely detrimental affect on domestic cohesion and leadership within the foreign relations. Dudziak implies the race issue in the international press was the seed of negative views of the US. The golden temple of American democracy was seen as something falling short, even hypocritical. Locksley Edmunson, writing in 1973, could be speaking of today with our Gitmo, Abu Ghraib, and alleged secret CIA prisons when he wrote, "Those states best technically equipped to maintain world order are not necessarily the ones whose credentials recommend them as the most appropriate guardians of a global conscience."
You can read different things out of Mary Dudziak's book. As a student of public diplomacy, my take-away centered on the impact on foreign policy, which the author does a good job investigating. The take-away? Practice what you preach, or at least be effective in making them think you're trying to.
Causes and Effects.......2001-06-05
Upon first consideration one would think that the reciprocal influences of the Cold War and American civil rights activity would be self-evident. Perhaps, but Dudziak's book is full of surprises and details how galling the "American Dilemma" was to U.S. foreign policy-makers and various presidents and how each responded to the concerns of African, Asian, American, and European countries regarding the United States civil rights struggle over several decades. Why was civil rights legislation important to American foreign policy? How was Eisenhower's response to school desegregation in Little Rock influenced by foreign perceptions? How did the international attention to civil rights activity affect John Kennedy's domestic policies? Why was the State Department so concerned about Asian and African criticisms of the United States' record on civil rights? How was the Civil Rights Act of 1965 viewed by the international community? How did the views of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X affect United States foreign policy efforts? Was the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to an American activist also an international signal that worried a president and the State Department? These questions and many more are answered by Dudziak.
Dudziak deserves recognition and commendations for clearly demonstrating that the United States civil rights movement had a global as well as a national impact on America's foreign policy efforts and placed the United States squarely between the demands of a persecuted domestic minority and the scrutiny of the nations to which it declared itself the leader of human rights, liberty, and freedom in contrast to the totalitarian regimes of communist countries.
This book is well worth reading and an important addition to the growing number of books on the history of race relations that was not, and is not,taught in school. Kudos to Dudziak for an important job well done.
Eye Opening and Important -- A Great Read!.......2001-01-11
Mary Dudziak revisits a familiar chapter in American history--the civil rights movement--but provides readers with a completely new perspective on it.
We know about the work that was being done in the streets. But now Dudziak helps us see the movement through the eyes of America's cold war policymakers. For them, civil rights was a foreign policy problem, and Dudziak helps us see how this explains many of the movements successes and (maybe more important) many of its defeats.
Essential reading for everyone interested in American history, civil rights, constitutional law (yes, even Brown v. Board of Education must be seen in light of this analysis), and foreign policy.
Excellent!.......2001-01-08
This book is fabulous. Clear and articulate, it reads like a story and explores an aspect of the civil rights movement most authors and historians have neglected. It is meticulously researched and filled with information from sources ranging from presidential telephone conversations to news wires to official publications. The civil rights movement cannot be fully understood without reflecting upon the information contained in this book.
Book Description
Paine was the impassioned democratic voice of the Age of Revolution, and this volume brings together his best-known works--"Common Sense," "The American Crisis," "Rights of Man," "The Age of Reason," along with a selection of letters, articles and pamphlets that emphasizes Paine's American years.
Customer Reviews:
What a useful collection........2007-07-10
It's good to have all Paine's material in one handy volume. Plenty to read and think about. It's a pity he's not better known in the USA, considering his significance in the existence of the country.
We have it in our power to begin the world over again.......2007-07-06
This was a required reading for a graduate humanities class. John Keane's biography succinctly showed that Tom Paine (1737-1809) was the consummate revolutionary and a daring adventurer. Not only was he an important figure in the American Revolution, but he also traveled to France in 1791 to give that revolution a push. Paine traveled from England, just in time to stoke the flames of the revolution with his pamphlet Common Sense, in January 1776. To call Common Sense a sensation in the colonies is actually a bit of an understatement. It was an unparallel sensation and monumental work of Enlightenment rhetoric that quickly fanned the flames of rebellion throughout the colonies. In four months, over 120,000 copies were printed in the colonies--over 500,000 copies by years end. No other pamphlet printed in seventeenth century America came close to its success. Most importantly, Common Sense served to get the colonial patriots to drop their fear of open rebellion, and also emboldened those delegates who favored declaring independence from Britain. The delegates now had the confidence that a large segment of the colonists would support rebellion. Similar to the Declaration of Independence, the philosophical ideas in Common Sense are primarily from the English philosopher, John Locke (1632-1704). The most moving quote from the pamphlet became quite prophetic, when one considers the impact it ultimately had on the delegates in the congress, the drafting of the Declaration of Independence, and on the world. "We have it in our power to begin the world over again."
As a graduate student in philosophy and history, I heartily recommend this timeless classic to anyone who is interested in political philosophy, and history.
Teach Thomas Paine to all Ages.......2006-12-03
Paine truly is the forgotten founding father. Unbelievably, I never learned about him till college--and only then through specific history classes. In addition to this volume, I suggest one of my recent discoveries: The Elementary Common Sense of Thomas Paine; the 1776 document Common Sense adapted and illustrated for ages 11 on up. It is here on Amazon. Paine, and all of our country's founding documents, should be taught to kids early on.
Most Important Founding Father - outstanding one-volume edition of his writings!.......2006-07-22
Thomas Paine was the most consistent and important of all the American Founding Fathers. He consistently spoke up in favor of liberty and freedom; for example, his opposition to the institution of slavery (which he argued was immoral and un-Christian and thought it quite contradictory to claim to be a Christian on the one hand and support slavery on the other hand) - Paine also spoke up in support of women's rights, freedom of thought, the poor, etc.
The important thing about Paine is that he practiced what he preached, as opposed to just about every other founding father (e.g., Jefferson saying all are "created equal" but owning slaves, or Adams "dismissing" his wife's assertion that they too should be included in the political process). I don't think we ought to condemn those individuals for the beliefs that they had, indeed they were products of their time period - and they are worthy of study. However, I also believe that we should praise those who were able to step out of that period and see things as they are, this is what Paine was able to do.
If you doubt Paine's importance in the history of American independence, consider the following; probably no other phamphlet brought the idea of independence to the mind of the colonists like Paine's "Common Sense" did and it was Paine's "Crisis #1" that was read to Washington's soldiers before they prepared for the biggest fight of the American Revolution. Paine's defense of the French Revolution in his "Rights of Man" sparked off a publication war that has yet to be matched and his "The Age of Reason" delineated the philosophical ideas that most of the founding fathers had with regard to religion (regardless of what the religious right would have you to believe).
Paine's mistake was not believing what most of the founding fathers believed, that the "common man and woman" was not intellectual enough to handle the arguments that he (and the others) were advocating. It was his consistency which brought about his downfall - this is a shame, because he is one of the most important thinkers to come out of the Revolutionary Period in American history.
Timeless inspiration.......2006-07-08
Thomas Paine, especially in The Age of Reason, did not put forth completely original ideas. Many of his contemporaries had the same critisms that Paine did in regard to organized religion especially Christianity. However, Thomas Paine organized such thoughts in a way that they were accessible to common men. Unfortunately his brave and inspirational work was his downfall. Closeminded and fearful citizens, like RICKITHEREADER in our modern times were frightened that perhaps Paine was tearing a hole the the fabric of their blind faith and because of this, Paines' last work, The Age of Reason, left him to die alone and impoverished. He was abandoned, even by his intellectual contemporaries, most who agreed with him but were not brave enough to voice their beliefs in the common vernacular. I was inspired by Paine who wrote, "My mind is my own church," which was not the voice of an atheist but the voice of a man who really did know the "truth" and his true path. Unlike RickitheReader, I have read both the bible and Paine with an open mind and heart. The joy of reading is the ability to let it lead you to new places. Thomas Paine would have said it better. Read this compilation and it will lead you to new places, wherever your faith is.
Book Description
Thirty years ago, Pulitzer Prize—winning author and journalist Philip Caputo crossed the deserts of Sudan and Eritrea on foot and camelback, a journey that inspired his first novel, Horn of Africa, and awakened a lifelong fascination with Africa. His travels have since taken him back to Sudan, as well as to Kenya, Somalia, and Tanzania, and from those experiences he has fashioned Acts of Faith, his most ambitious novel. A stunning and timely epic, it tells the stories of pilots, aid workers, missionaries, and renegades struggling to relieve the misery wrought by the civil war in Sudan.
The hearts of these men and women are in the right place, but as they plunge into a well of moral corruption for which they are ill-prepared, their hidden flaws conspire with circumstances to turn their strengths–bravery, compassion, daring, and empathy–into weaknesses. In pursuit of noble ends, they make ethical compromises; their altruism curdles into self-righteous zealotry and greed, entangling them in a web of conspiracies that leads, finally, to murder. A few, however, escape the moral trap and find redemption in the discovery that firm convictions can blind the best-intentioned man or woman to the difference between right and wrong.
Douglas Braithwaite, an American aviator who flies food and medicine to Sudan’s ravaged south, is torn between his altruism and powerful personal ambitions. His partners are Fitzhugh Martin, a multiracial Kenyan who sees Sudan as a cause that can give purpose to his directionless life, and Wesley Dare, a hard-bitten bush pilot who is not as cynical as he thinks he is and sacrifices all for the woman he loves.
They are joined by two strong women: Quinette Hardin, an evangelical Christian from Iowa who liberates slaves captured by Arab raiders and who falls in love with a Sudanese rebel; and Diana Briggs, the daughter of a family with colonial roots in Africa, who believes that her love for her adopted continent might be enough to save it.
Pitted against them is Ibrahim Idris ibn Nur-el-Din, a fierce Arab warlord whose obsessive quest for an escaped concubine undermines his faith in the holy war he is waging against Sudan’s southern blacks.
In a harsh yet alluring landscape, these and other vividly realized characters act out a drama of modern-day Africa. Grounded in the reality of today’s headlines, Acts of Faith is a captivating novel of human complexity that combines seriousness with all the seductive pleasure of a masterly thriller.
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Acclaim for Acts of Faith
“Philip Caputo, from Vietnam onwards, has understood the hardest truths of the modern world better than almost anybody. Acts of Faith is a stunningly unflinching novel. On the surface it is set in Africa, but in fact its true landscape is the ravaged soul of the twenty-first century. Philip Caputo is one of the few absolutely essential writers at work today.” –Robert Olen Butler
“In Acts of Faith Philip Caputo has fashioned a gripping cast of characters and placed them in a spellbinding story. You can’t get any better than that.” –Winston Groom
“Caputo’s ambitious adventure novel, set against a backdrop of the Sudanese wars, makes for a dense, riveting update on Graham Greene’s The Quiet American . . . Caputo presents a sharply observed, sweeping portrait, capturing the incestuous world of the aid groups, Sudan’s multiethnic mix, and the decayed milieu of Kenyan society.” –Publishers Weekly (starred review)
“Acts of Faith offers an image of Africa deserving comparison with Conrad, Hemingway, Peter Matthiessen, and Jan de Hartog’s forgotten near-masterpiece The Spiral Road.” –Kirkus Reviews (starred review)
“Philip Caputo is a splendid, muscular story teller who possesses the crucial power to make endearing ordinary men from diverse fragilities and stubborness.” —Gloria Emerson, Los Angeles Times
“For the past twenty years, Caputo has written parables of hubris upbraided, populated by outsiders whose defects lead them into trouble as unerringly as does fate.” —David Haward Bain, New York Times Book Review
“Caputo lets no one and nothing off the hook.” —Richard Bausch, Washington Post Book World
“Caputo takes on most of the hot-button issues of our time–racism, random violence, disempowerment, the decay of social fabric, even the nature of evil itself–and more than lives to tell the tale.” —Roget L. Simon, Los Angeles Times
Acclaim for Philip Caputo's previous books:
The Voyage
“An adventure filled sea story.” —Andrea Barrett, The New York York Times Book Review
“Genuinely exciting . . . Caputo’s prose is a pleasure . . . The ending satisfies completely, adding layers of intriguing meannig to the already rich adventure story.” —Debra Spark, Chicago Tribune
“A compellig novel that offers both rousing adventure and penetrating insight into the mystery that is family.” —Library Journal
“A high seas classic combined with a mystery . . . a complicated psychological drama . . . an engaging study of the emotional life of young me . . . [their struggles] toward independent adulthood, their rage and love for an unapproachable father.” —Paul Kafka, San Francisco Chronicle
“Caputo is a conjurer of rich atmosphere; he knows the sea and sailing. But he also knows the ways of building finely shaded characters. Readers will find all his talents on display here.”--Brad Hooper, Booklist
“Strongly imagined . . . those who plunge headlong into its dark waters will not soon forget the experience.” Kirkus Reviews
Exiles
“What makes Exiles extraordinary is the lead story, “Standing In,” . . . Here Mr. Caputo brings fresh subtlety to the psychology of exile. It is one of the most engaging works of fiction he has yet produced.” --Christopher Lehmann-Haupt, New York Times
“Philip Caputo is a splendid, muscular story teller who possesses the crucial power to make endearing ordinary men from diverse fragilities and stubborness.” —Glor
Customer Reviews:
600 pages of people hooking up in the middle of the Sudan.......2007-09-17
Acts of Faith is a book about a cast of characters who strive to do humanitarian work in the Sudan for a good reason, but slowly drift away from their original reason of why they came there in the first place.
Douglas Braithwath, the main "entrepeneur" of the operation runs an airline company called Knight Air that drops relief supplies illegally in the Southern Sudan mountains, and while his dreams of helping the Sudanese people are legit at first, he eventually becomes obsessed with profit margins and getting more planes. The story is fleshed out by Doug's cast of pilots and relief workers that are under his command or use his airline regularly for Sudan travel.
This book written by Caputo as his latest creation explores "somewhat" the crises in Sudan during the mid 90s. Caputo is an exceptional creative writer, giving the reader a feeling of "being there" in the Sudan, even to the point of feeling the tics and flys biting you while you read the novel. The pace of the novel moves fairly slow, with a few moderately intense action scenes. Beyond the surprise attack air raids and the injuring of a few key cast members, the focus of the book is each person's inner monologue.
And what a monologue these characters portray. In the process of the novel, every female character written into the story sleeps with another person. The book details with pinpoint accuracy the events leading up to one person sleeping with another, so much so that its just plain boring with 20 or more pages of it devoted to each person's affair. Am I supposed to be reading about the atrocities of the Sudan, or how people want to have sex with one another in the middle of a war?
The premise of the book is just not interesting, and it's largely unexplored until Michael, an SPLA officer in the story explains it by the middle of the book. People believe in acts of faith for a better tomorrow, which is why people like the characters in the story do what they do. The central theme however is masked with so much love and sexual tension towards one another that Caputo writes in the novel, I'm not at all impressed by the ending. I believe Caputo intended this to happen, but after reading the sexual stories of Quinnette and Michael, Lady Diana and Fitzhugh, Tony and Mary and Wes Dare (which was a horrid name choice for a character, Dare???), it was just a moot point that could have been explained in less words.
I feel like this was a book written for romance novelists or avid porn watchers who want a really good storyline before getting to the juicy "sex scene". I wish this novel explored more of the inner workings of the characters rather than the animal desires each of them had toward each other. It didn't contribute to the story, and made for a boring read. At 600 pages long, I recommend reading something else to bide the time.
Fantastic...except for a bad habit of simile..........2007-08-31
My review will be brief, as I have only one bone to pick with the author. What I thought was first an issue that demonstrated a sexist and dehumanizing behavior within third person limited narrative, I was dismayed to discover that this "bad habit" (of comparing women with animals) was a offensive crutch Caputo leaned on throughout the novel. My evidence:
Her black skin sparkled with sweat, and when she pressed down, the muscles in her arms and along her ribs stood out, like those in a slightly underfed leopard. (196)
Oh, and the way she would whisper 'I am here,' and then turn over on the sleeping mat and arch her back, presenting herself like a lioness in heat... (197)
She made some animal-like croaking sound. (251)
Her skin was as black as a panthers and she moved like one... (310)
"I don't think so. I looked at you and thought, 'she has the legs of a gazelle.'" (396)
She rose to her knees in a feline crouch, sighed through clenched teeth as he penetrated her... (424)
They made love like wildcats... (528
There was something about Yamila that Quinette sensed intuitively--she was an implacable natural force, as unconscious as a lioness seeking a mate. (540)
There she stood, all feline sinew, leverage in her braided muscles... (542)
Yamila's demeanor and expression underwent a dramatic change whenever he was near, the she-leopard domesticating herself instantly into a demure kitten. (557)
Women are consistently dehumanized to animals--particularly large cats--in this novel, especially when they are in a sexual situation (either complicit or forced) and when two women interact. Because this happens with regularity in ACTS OF FAITH, I find it to be an unforgivable habit of Caputo's. I nearly stopped reading this book because of this regular crime of comparison, but was unable to because of the compelling and significant subject matter. It's unfortunate that such a fantastic book (and writer) has stooped to such a level. I hope that Caputo, writers, and readers are able to see this damaging cliché for what it is.
If you enjoyed The Poisonwood Bible..........2007-07-12
Well-developed characters with an intriguing plot. 200 pages into the book, I began to fret about the book coming to an end. The "cheat sheet" list of characters was helpful to refresh my memory when I didn't have time to read for a few days.
Fantastic Depiction Of Compromise's Aftermath.......2007-06-08
Acts of Faith is one of those rare works of fiction that takes the reader to someplace outside of their realm of experience, and leaves them feeling better for taking that journey. Caputo does a masterful job of depicting an environment where selfless action is a coincidental byproduct of fulfilling personal interest. Best of all, he does it with energetic prose, realistic characters with which a reader can identify, and dialog that is believable. The result is a book that is epic in scope, yet intimate in its portrayal of the compromises which bring life to the cliché that the road to hell is paved with good intentions. Acts of Faith is a monumental work that deserves a place on everyone's reading list.
Understanding Sudan .......2007-05-16
This was such a great book! The characters are so well described, I felt like I was almost a part of their life, and right there with them. His descriptions of Sudan itself, the flying, the Nuba region and people, certainly helped me to understand how complex the political situation is in Sudan. I read in the paper about current events (2007), and Mr. Caputo's book now helps me to put them in perspective. There isn't any easy solution, but at least now I can read between the lines of the media accounts.
The review that mentioned the fast pace towards the end of the book , is so true. I didn't want it to end, yet my eyes were racing over the pages to keep up with the action.
Average customer rating:
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- Brutal. Brutal brutal brutal.
- Right Versus Left
- Earthy Wisdom About Water
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Water Wars: Privatization, Pollution, and Profit
Vandana Shiva
Manufacturer: South End Press
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