Book Description
In the tradition of What Liberal Media? and What's the Matter with Kansas?, a stinging indictment of how one party has placed politics over science and embraced politically motivated pseudoscience
Science has never been more crucial to deciding the political issues facing the country. Yet science and scientists have less influence with the federal government than at any time since the Eisenhower administration. In the White House and Congress today, findings are reported in a politicized manner; spun or distorted to fit the speaker's agenda; or, when they're too inconvenient, ignored entirely. On a broad array of issues-stem cell research, climate change, missile defense, abstinence education, product safety, environmental regulation, and many others-the Bush administration's positions fly in the face of overwhelming scientific consensus. Federal science agencies, once fiercely independent under both Republican and Democratic presidents, are increasingly staffed by political appointees and fringe theorists who know industry lobbyists and evangelical activists far better than they know the science.
This is not unique to the Bush administration, but it is largely a Republican phenomenon, born of a conservative dislike of environmental, health, and safety regulation, and at the extremes, of evolution and legalized abortion. In The Republican War on Science, Chris Mooney ties together the disparate strands of the attack on science into a compelling and frightening account of our government's increasing unwillingness to distinguish between legitimate research and ideologically driven pseudoscience.
Customer Reviews:
Necessary read for scientists and concerned citizens..........2007-09-15
I found this book quite dense with information and reports (even with updates in the second, paperback edition) from the embattled grounds of science policy and decision-making in the United States... It's very well written and in particular I'd say the author has done an excellent job to also line up all his references and sources, both on paper and in person, which is fundamental in a sweeping work of social journalism like this. It reads fluently, but due to the amount of ideas and specific cases reported it takes quite some attention...
What I liked most is that, from the countless specific examples of science abuse and trampling by the present political leadership in America, Mooney is able to let a broader picture emerge.. He doesn't spare any details about his trees, but leaves a wide clearing open to never lose sight of the forest. And the forest is a worrying one to say the least!
The Republican party ruling the country right now has dangerously mingled with political conservatives on one hand and religious moralists/fundamentalists on the other over the last decades. In trying to push forward their economic and moralistic agendas, these people have adopted a seriously undemocratic, immoral, and I'd say in general just plain reckless stance to ignore scientific advisory panels and experts who might help to formulate informed policies about several issues, from environmental management to public health to education... If you want a good example of the blinding ideologies they follow in their crusades, nothing better than giving a look at the idiotic rant (should I call it a review?) by one FC Robertson below. Stands as large as a monument to tell the whole story!
It's dangerous for the future of a country that its government willfully choose to ignore technical and factual data on many important issues and simply persevere in its partisan policies. And it's important that the public be informed in an exhaustive way of what has been going on for many years now... Mooney failed to observe, in his last and brilliant chapter on possible countermeasures, that public education not only in science, but more generally in basic thinking, is just as important as winning political wars to stop this trend. The media flood us daily with the latest inanities about Britney Spears, but they're easily duped into misreporting actual scientific controversies! They often fail big time in informing citizens correctly... And citizens don't have the slightest chance to recognize information biases or just plain absurdities, since they don't even know where to start to think independently. An ignorant public opinion (when there's any opinion at all!) in the hands of dishonest politicians means that a society cannot be called democratic. And how this is happening in the US today, but most likely not just there (we have our own European examples!), is masterfully explained in this little, important book.
An extremely well-done book ..........2007-09-06
This is an amazing work that documents a decades-long effort to undercut a facts-based, reality-based, science respecting approach to public policy decisions.
What is sad is that, at the end of the day, despite the title, I would find it hard to believe that the majority of Republicans truly endorse the implications of this war ...
Mooney's excellent work truly opened my eyes ... sadly, the title will probably keep too many from even opening its cover.
Beautiful scholarship, terrifying message.......2007-06-05
Mooney's exhaustively researched book is balanced, calm, and most definitely not an anti-Republican hit job. Instead, Mooney goes to great lengths to point out the ways in which social conservatives and business interests have butchered our ability to make decisions and guide policy on the basis of empirical science.
All the issues you would expect are here--the pseudoscientific Intelligent Design movement, misrepresentations about adult stem cells being as effective as embryonic stem cells, global warming denialism--but Mooney does not stop there. He also describes the distortions which social conservatives bring to the study of science--their demonstrably false arguments that having an abortion leads to mental illness or breast cancer, for example--as well as the distortions caused by big business, such as the denial of risks for pesticide use and industrial pollution.
Throughout, Mooney does a great job of demonstrating what practicing scientists actually say about such issues and the evidence that causes them to say it. He also makes clear the motivations of those who distort science, how they go about doing it, and the negative effects that this has. At all times, Mooney is clear, convincing, and concise. This book is essential reading for any American who is interested in the role of science in solving social and environmental ills.
Intersection of Science & Politics.......2007-04-11
In spite of what the title might make you think, this is not a specific hack-job on the right. Mooney instead is highlighting a trend that I have noticed and also found to be very disturbing: the willingness of politicians to use sketchy or misrepresented science to further their political aims.
Mr. Mooney points out that this is not something that only happens with the GOP, and provides some examples of progressive twisting or chery-picking. But the vast preponderance of these science abuses fall to the right. He takes no stand on the policy being supported, just the science, or lack thereof, used to justify it.
Covering a wide variety of issues where science had become more important in the debate, Mooney repeatedly shows how the fringe or minority view has been repeatedly put forward as the correct one when it coinsides with the administration/congressional goals. From cherry-picking reports to highlitght the less than 100% certainty that is part of any scientific claim, to outright editing of reports and attacks on scientists, Mooney shows how these tactics have hurt science, the public confidence in science, and the policy supposedly founded on that science.
This is a chilling book in that the issues are some of the most important of our time; the environment, health issues, and social issues. He takes no issue with calls made on economic or moral grounds, but only those based on bad science as justification. This is a very important book for understanding how science has been debased into just another political sleight-of-hand.
This one really got to me.......2007-03-08
I admit, while reading books such as Fiasco, One Per Cent Doctrine and Hubris, that I frequently set the books aside to vent against this Administration with some well chosen X-rated words. But reading The Republican War On Science tops them all for the visceral nature of its impact. I was on verge of nausea numerous times. Mooney's work is not a book about science per se and its applications, though necessary scientific content to elucidate the issues he discusses is, of course, present. This is above all a close well-documented look at how the Conservatives have conducted a War on Science for nearly three decades, with emphasis, of course, on the near-total politicization of science. As such, this current Administration with its well-documented manipulation of science, even within the government, is only building on what was perfected during the Gingrich Congress (with the assistance of Republican pollster and spin-master, Frank Luntz). Anyone entertaining any thought that Newt Gingrich should return to political life should have more than second thoughts after reading this book. Mooney masterfully demonstrates what many of us have suspected. The Republican message is indeed Orwellian double-speak in its emphasis on rhetoric and the abuse of language. The pages devoted to the genesis and spread into mainstream discourse of terms such as "sound science", "junk science", "consensus", etc - so prevalent in today's Global Warming "debate" (another Orwellian Republican spin term) - clearly demonstrate that these people are indeed, especially in their slavish obedience to the corporatocracy, a very clear and present danger. And it is enlightening in another manner. With the Republican emphasis on rhetoric over real discussion, on "message" over authentic content, it's no surprise that when they do get power they can't govern well.
In short, this is a book I would force-feed to the "Republican base", in the hope (perhaps vain) that for once
they might be swayed by a clear, in-depth, unblinking look at yet another example (and a critical one) of what their party has become under the control of its Conservative wing. As one of the comments on dust jacket says, "Read it and Weep". And be afraid. Be very afraid.
Book Description
Education was decisive in recasting women's subjectivity and the felt reality of their collective experience in post-Revolutionary and antebellum America. Asking how and why women shaped their lives anew through education, Mary Kelley measures the significant transformation in individual and social identities fostered by female academies and seminaries. Constituted in a curriculum that matched the course of study at male colleges, women's liberal learning, Kelley argues, played a key role in one of the most profound changes in gender relations in the nation's history: the movement of women into public life.
By the 1850s, the large majority of women deeply engaged in public life as educators, writers, editors, and reformers had been schooled at female academies and seminaries. Although most women did not enter these professions, many participated in networks of readers, literary societies, or voluntary associations that became the basis for benevolent societies, reform movements, and activism in the antebellum period. Kelley's analysis demonstrates that female academies and seminaries taught women crucial writing, oration, and reasoning skills that prepared them to claim the rights and obligations of citizenship.
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The Making of the Republican Citizen : Political Ceremonies and Symbols in China 1911-1929 (Studies on Contemporary China)
Henrietta Harrison
Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
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ASIN: 0198295197 |
Book Description
What does it mean to be Chinese? How did the major political events of the early 20th century affect the everyday lives of ordinary people in China? This book uses a wealth of new sources, including newspapers, memoirs, interviews, and photographs, to look at the political history of the period and to understand the ways in which politics intersected with the thoughts and feelings of ordinary people. To be a modern citizen of the Chinese republic meant repudiating much of the very ritual that had previously defined one as Chinese. As we follow the changes in everyday life, ranging from the unbinding of women's feet to the commemoration of the events of the a new republican history, we see the complex interactions between an ever more activist state and its new citizens.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent research and clarifies the far right's delusions.......2004-11-05
This book is very understandable. It draws a direct connect between the fascist ideology and today's radical right. I recommend this book so people can understand just how dangerous the far right is in the U.S.A.
smear tactics.......2000-05-13
Bellant's flagrant attempts to make bizarre leaps of logic to fit an agenda cast him as the Art Bell of the left.
Details Nazi & fascist penetration of American politics.......1999-06-15
At the end of World War II, the U.S. government secretly brought many Nazis into the U.S. As detailed in "Quiet Neighbors" and other books examining the U.S. government's program for infiltrating Nazis into the U.S., these Nazis quietly integrated themselves into the American socio-political system. Bellant examines the penetration by Nazis and fascists of the American political system, focusing specifically on how Nazis and fascists have gained influence and leadership positions in the Republican Party. While the book needs to be revised and updated, it is excellent in presenting the underlying foundation of the Reagan and Bush presidencies. Valuable reading for anyone seeking to understand the agenda of the Republican right.
Amazon.com
This is the story of one woman's struggle with and defection from the Republican party. It's the story of the transition and (in the author's view) subjugation of a political party to a small group of extremists. She shares the inside information from her more than 25 years of active membership. Melich contends that the "party of Lincoln," the party that promoted choice and freedom for all, is gone.
Book Description
In 1980, Republicans used appeals to sexist and racist bigotry to win the Presidency. The party adopted an electoral strategy that included getting votes by playing on the fear and uncertainty engendered by the civil rights and women's political movements, and continued to use this strategy in the campaigns of 1984, 1988, and 1992. Under the Reagan and Bush administrations, this strategy became a crucial part of the party's governing policies. This book is not a political science treatise nor a description of political campaigns; it is a documented account of a grab for power that, as the years pass, continues to intensify antagonism between the sexes and to sow unnecessary division among the American people. As a longtime Republican activist and a delegate to the 1992 convention, Tanya Melich has observed these actions from within; and documents this takeover and the Party's ongoing practices (such as embracing the Christian right) in a devastating, factual, and often hair-raising report. A combination of history, exposÄ, reasoned polemic, and call to arms, this book has now been enriched by two completely new chapters that assesses the outcome of the 1996 election in terms of the book's thesis and realistically lays out the future: both in terms of what it will be if the right-wing elements of the Republican party continue to set the agenda, and how it can be changed if centrist women (and men) take charge of that agenda. The heart of such change lies with Independents, who now constitute a startling 39 percent of Americans (31 percent identify themselves as Democrats and 30 percent as Republicans). We are not a country of strong party loyalties, and the enormous growth of independents is the signal that change is not only possible but achievable. As a superb political pro, the author offers hardheaded strategies for such change.
Customer Reviews:
In a word: Frustrating.......2002-07-31
I remember the moment when I knew George W. Bush would be our next president. It was late morning on Election Day 2000, and I saw an anchorwoman on television, interviewing a group of previously undecided, affluent women voters in a swing district near Chicago. One by one, all of them explained that they disagreed with Bush on abortion, but had decided to vote for him anyway. Most of them offered explanations to the effect of "I trust him not to be actively obstructionist against abortion rights." As we all know now, Bush betrayed that trust immediately after taking office, by reinstating the Mexico City Policy and appointing strident anti-feminist John Ashcroft to head the Justice Department. I can't help but wonder if those women in Chicago think their tax cuts are worth the backslide in social policy we've all got to endure until at least 2004 - if indeed they really were eligible for the tax cuts.
While reading Melich's book, I was reminded repeatedly of that newscast and the misplaced trust in right-wing politicians like Bush. I really wanted to love this book. After so many years of watching the mainstream media look the other way on all but the harshest Republican attacks on feminism and the vilification of that noble movement, an inside look at the party's growing intolerance from a female one-time Republican activist sounded to me like the perfect consciousness-raiser. And it is - to a degree. Melich's heart is undeniably in the right place, and I applaud her for writing the book. But I ultimately came away feeling that she, like the women I referred to above, remained loyal to the Republican party long past a time when she should have known better, and thus helped perpetuate the problem.
Melich, a GOP activist since the 1950s by her own account, relates page after page of her noble but clearly quixotic efforts to help carve out a voice for feminists in the party of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and George "kick a little a__" Bush, even while supplying an equally abundant collection of tales that showed exactly where Republican leaders of that era stood with respect to women's issues. Melich's response, whether it was to Reagan refusing to even give feminists a place at the table in preparation for the 1980 convention or Bush questioning Geraldine Ferraro's emotional stability or Nelson Rockefeller's excommunication from the GOP because he supported the ERA, was invariably to "hope for the best from my party" until 1992. As she explains in both the opening and closing chapters of the book, she reached her breaking point that year in Houston, as did many socially progressive Republicans. The trouble is that there was really nothing new about that three-day celebration of bigotry; it was only the most blatant demonstration of the clout held by the religious right in the modern day Republican Party. If the rhetoric has been less overtly divisive before and since 1992, the party platform has not been. Melich often gives us the impression that she was aware of this on some level, but she never quite seems to grasp that by continuing to support the party in spite of her growing disillusionment, she contributed to the problem by sending politicians to Washington who then worked against the interests of all social progressives like her.
In addition to her inexplicable loyalty to the GOP, Melich's historical research is awfully sloppy for a lifelong political activist. Among the errors her editor failed to catch: Sam Ervin retired from the Senate in 1974, not 1976. Dan Quayle was a second-term congressman in 1980, not a first-termer. A number of western states gave women the vote prior to the passage of the nineteenth amendment in 1920, but Kansas was not among them, as Melich claims. Speaking of Kansas, Melich notes with approval the election of Democrat Joan Finney as that state's first woman governor in 1990; but five minutes' worth of research would have revealed that Finney was staunchly anti-choice on abortion and most feminists supported her male Republican opponent in that election. Given Melich's background, it is hard to believe she was unaware of that.
It is, of course, not reasonable to expect a book-length mea culpa, and Melich's familiarity with the overall subject matter can't be denied. (In all fairness, it must also be said that the Democrats don't have a sterling record from a feminist perspective either - but there IS more than a dime's worth of difference all the same.) If nothing else, this book is a worthwhile read from an authoritative source for appreciating the sheer depth and history of reactionary sentiment in the Republican Party with respect to gender issues, especially abortion. But the last election demonstrated that some feminists haven't learned the lesson Melich tries to teach here; and I'm not entirely convinced that Melich herself has either.
The insider's view.......2001-07-20
Republicans might write this book off after reading the title, but this is not some "undercover" investigation by a reporter or (worse) a democrat. The author is a lifelong republican, who rose in the party to become a serious activist and repeated delegate to the national convention. Her experiences at the conventions during the 1970s that changed her view of her own party and led her to fight from within to save the "party of Lincoln" from itself. This is a fastinating read...much better than anything written by an outsider or nonpartisan academic.
Confirms your worst feelings.......2000-08-08
In painstaking and non-partisan detail, Melich proves the Republican party (and not the American public) as it presently is incarnated is the real threat to American families.
Although a majority of Americans regardless of political affiliation are pro-choice and favor GLBT rights, the GOP has capitalized on fear regarding the civil rights movement and social change to win elections. Melich explains why this tactic has roundly backfired on them.
From the Silent and Moral Majority to the Christian Coalition, these social conservatives have been allowed to warp the electorial system for their own personal benefit. 1192 was the first year a majority saw through the blinders and took a real stand for America.
Evem if I disagree with Melich on identification, it is refreshing to know that it was not just myself who sensed the misogyny at the 1992 Republican National Convention. It is impossible to have a serious discussion about individual rights with opposition to legalized abortion and the Equal Rights Amendment.
Wonderfull reality check.......2000-04-02
I was in junior high when the infamous 1992 convention rolled into Houston, and seeing all of the hate on TV was very scary.Although my parents were not political, they were opposed to the religious right's agenda.....We became staunch Clinton advocates that year, and do not regret a minute of it.
A Review from Someone on the Other Side of the Lines.......1997-02-07
As a bookstore employee, I see more books than I have time to read. When I saw Ms. Melich's book, I was immediately interested. I was surprised by the title, coming from a woman who has been a Republican for so many years. As a Democrat, I was anticipating a book full of mere justifications from a woman who would voluntarily be a Republican. After reading the first paragraph, I knew I would insist that all women I know should read this book. The book is, at times, very dense reading as I had to stop every few lines to tell someone how passionate I felt about the situations Melich describes. I admire her fight. Although she may not subscribe to the same political philosophy as I do, she has fought the good fight against the establishment. To conclude, I placed the book on our "What We're Reading" shelf at the bookstore. We sold quite a few. Many times, however, I would walk by and notice the book had been turned over to hide the cover. Some people refuse to face reality
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- The unfulfilled promise of an Indian utopia in the Andes
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Smoldering Ashes: Cuzco and the Creation of Republican Peru, 1780-1840 (Latin America Otherwise)
Charles F. Walker , and
Charles F. Walker
Manufacturer: Duke University Press
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Binding: Paperback
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Trials of Nation Making: Liberalism, Race, and Ethnicity in the Andes, 18101910
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Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries
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Peasants, Politics, and the Formation of Mexico's National State: Guerrero, 1800-1857
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Shining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980-1995 (Latin America Otherwise)
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Peasant and Nation: The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (A Centennial Book)
ASIN: 0822322935 |
Book Description
In Smoldering Ashes Charles F. Walker interprets the end of Spanish domination in Peru and that country’s shaky transition to an autonomous republican state. Placing the indigenous population at the center of his analysis, Walker shows how the Indian peasants played a crucial and previously unacknowledged role in the battle against colonialism and in the political clashes of the early republican period. With its focus on Cuzco, the former capital of the Inca Empire, Smoldering Ashes highlights the promises and frustrations of a critical period whose long shadow remains cast on modern Peru.
Peru’s Indian majority and non-Indian elite were both opposed to Spanish rule, and both groups participated in uprisings during the late colonial period. But, at the same time, seething tensions between the two groups were evident, and non-Indians feared a mass uprising. As Walker shows, this internal conflict shaped the many struggles to come, including the Tupac Amaru uprising and other Indian-based rebellions, the long War of Independence, the caudillo civil wars, and the Peru-Bolivian Confederation. Smoldering Ashes not only reinterprets these conflicts but also examines the debates that took placeâin the courts, in the press, in taverns, and even during public festivitiesâover the place of Indians in the republic. In clear and elegant prose, Walker explores why the fate of the indigenous population, despite its participation in decades of anticolonial battles, was little improved by republican rule, as Indians were denied citizenship in the new nationâan unhappy legacy with which Peru still grapples.
Informed by the notion of political culture and grounded in Walker’s archival research and knowledge of Peruvian and Latin American history, Smoldering Ashes will be essential reading for experts in Andean history, as well as scholars and students in the fields of nationalism, peasant and Native American studies, colonialism and postcolonialism, and state formation.
Customer Reviews:
The unfulfilled promise of an Indian utopia in the Andes.......2007-05-11
Charles F. Walker's, Smoldering ashes: Cuzco and the creation of Republican Peru, 1780-1840, primarily revolves around two individuals Tupac Amaru and Agustin Gamarra. The book is one in the Duke University Press series "Latin American Otherwise." Walker relies on research in many archives including the Archivo Departamental del Cuzco. The Tupac Amaru rebellion, Walker argues, has to be viewed in the context of local, regional, and national struggles. This took place before nationalist European movements and thus Walker uses the term proto-nationalist to describe events that occurred in the old Inca center of Cuzco. Tupac Amaru tried to unite a base of all the masses against the Spaniards. When the rebellion did not succeed, the division between indigenous and others hardened, which limited future possibilities for Indian expression in a republican state. Cuzco caudillo, Agustin Gamarra, also appealed to the people to build a strong coalition, but in a post independence civil war, Indians failed to join with him. "His failure to recruit Indians for his military campaigns, as evident in the Battle of Yanacocha (1836), led to his demise and epitomized the enduring gulf between the republic of the Indians and the republic of Peru."(15)
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- The fallacies of the IRA
- Unbiased examination of IRA strategy
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Fighting for Ireland?: The Military Strategy of the Irish Republican Movement
M.L.R. Smith
Manufacturer: Routledge
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
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The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal and the Search for Peace
ASIN: 041516334X |
Book Description
Fighting for Ireland? is the first in-depth account of the evolution of the Irish Republican strategy. M. L. R. Smith demonstrates the tension in the movement between ideology and strategic realities regarding the use of force. Contrary to the movement's vigorous and assertive public face, this study uncovers an organization characterized more by a sense of chronic insecurity than by certainty and continuity. This updated paperback edition is essential reading for anyone who wants to disentangle the complex issues and motives behind IRA violence.
Customer Reviews:
The fallacies of the IRA.......1999-02-15
MLR Smith did an extrodinary job of portaying the military history of the IRA. He explicates the Anglo-Irish Treatry and implores the pragmatic achievments of Michael Collins. From the Civil War and hencforth, Smith examines the lapse of political ends in the IRA or the irregulars. He compares the fallacies in the bombing campaigns throughout the fifties to the philiosophies on Von Clausewitz' "On War." Never were there any political motives in the campaigns led by Sean Russel. Furthermore, One cannot expect to be victorius in limited warfare in Northern Ireland where the Protestants make up two-thirds of the population. An excellent military analysis of the IRA. Recommended to all readers.
Unbiased examination of IRA strategy.......1998-06-01
An interesting, dispassionate analysis of IRA strategy from 1969 onwards. Smith is not concerned with moralizing, and takes no position on the justness of the IRA's campaign. Rather, he looks at the methods and strategy of the IRA and how well they have (or haven't) advanced the IRA's interests. He doesn't seem to consider the IRA's goal of a united and free Ireland as realistic, and continually evaluates the IRA's position in the most pragmatic terms possible. This can be somewhat off-putting for someone wrapped up in the principles of Irish Republicanism, but it is thought provoking and these are probably the kind of arguments that were used to bring the IRA's campaign to an end by pragmatists within it and within its political allies in Sinn Fein. For this reason it is a valuable book for Irish Republican supporters to read.
For people not very familiar with the struggle in the north of Ireland, this book is probably not the best place to start. I would suggest reading a broader and more general history first, such as "The IRA" by Tim Pat Coogan, which is excellent for those with no previous knowledge of the subject (and even for those of us who do have some). Then come back to this book.
Book Description
The principal source of information on the Roman Republican Army is the sixth book of the Histories of the Greek historian Polybius, written a little before 150BC. This engaging text by Nicholas Sekunda draws heavily on this vital source to outline the equipment and organisation of the Roman Republican Army from 200–104 BC – a time when Rome was growing from a regional to a world power. With plenty of photographs and illustrations, including eight vivid full page colour plates by Angus McBride, this fascinating volume examines such topics as the Roman shield, helmets, the cuirass, greaves, the pilum, legion organisation, the principales and the tactics they employed.
Customer Reviews:
osprey nº 291republican roman army 200-104 bc.......2007-05-12
Es un excelente Libro amplia sobre la poco conocida legión romana antes de el imperio, solo que el autor se queda un poco escueto e imparcial en cuanto a la legion Romana de este periodo; en referencia al ilustrador Angus Mcbride como siempre sublime en sus ilustraciones que aporta a esta obra.
Great plates.......2007-04-01
Typical of its series, this book is full of useful information, but the plates alone give you a great and accurate picture of the subject. This book deals with the organization and battle gear of the Roman legionaries of one of the most crucial periods in Republican history-the century that saw the latter Punic Wars, the Conquest of Greece, and campaigns in Africa and Gaul-and saw the rise of some of Rome's greatest heroes, Caius Marius and the Scipios.
Useful Summary of Republican Army.......2006-07-05
A concise and approchable summary description of the Roman Republican Army (before the Roman Empire). The book provides information about each type of soldier, their provisions and outfitting, and some discussion of how each type of soldier was employed in battle. This book was clearly written by an expert for reading by others already knowledgeable about Roman army practices, but it can also be used as a starting point to begin study of Roman armies. The drawings are outstanding.
Very good but not impartial.......2002-04-10
Like almost all osprey books, this one is extraordinary; the archeological evidence is solid enough, the angus mcbride plates, altough not the best, are quite good and informative.
But after this favorable review why didn't I gave a 5 stars? Because Mr. Secunda is partial...He portrays the Romans like the "bad guys", he doesn't lie about what the romans did, but he forgets to mention that their foes were as vicious (sometimes worst) as the romans were.
All in all is a good book and I recommend it.
Very informative.......1999-06-23
It's a must for Republican Rome Research. All around a great reference book.
Book Description
The historical Jesus, by most accounts, was in favor of social justice, peace and compassion. Right wing radicals, including the social conservatives allied with the Republican Party, exploit the name of Jesus to support policies that lead to injustice, war and cruelty. Jesus Is Not a Republican includes several dozen essays and articles, including several original essays, by some of today’s most thoughtful spiritual and political thinkers. Rob Boston of Americans United for the Separation of Church and State uncovers the hypocrisy of the Christian Right. Reporter Jeffrey Sharlet goes undercover as a true believer in “the Family”, a shadowy, politically well-connected group of fundamentalists with dubious motives. Jim Wallis, founder of Sojourners, explains the Bible’s call to work for social justice. Together, they make the case that the religious right has strayed far from a truly Christian path, and reviews the achievements of progressive Christians who actually try to follow the teachings of Jesus. The upshot is that a true follower of Jesus is far more likely to vote for a liberal Democrat than for a conservative Republican.
Customer Reviews:
JesusNoRepublican ?.......2006-09-28
Until tonight I had never heard of this book, and all I have read of it so far are the five reviews of it, but I can't help but wonder if the authors borrowed the title from my "[...]" web site, which I inaugurated at Christmas time in "the year of the Lord" 2003.
By that time, I had already spent seven years publishing a site covering much of the same material, called "[...]". That site emphasizes the positive, i.e. it shows how very Liberal Jesus was and why those who would follow him in our time should be as well.
In 2003 I used the newer, more negative URL for a site that emphasizes the negative, i.e. to show "Christians" how un-christlike so many of today's leading Republicans are, and hopefully persuade some to rethink their allegiance to that party.
Now, I'll be recommending this book, and reading it myself.
Would Jesus Endorse Today's Republican Party?.......2006-03-13
"How Would Jesus Vote?"
That is the main question posed by the editors of this book and according to the contributions from the many authors, it seems clear in their collective eyes that Jesus would in no way support today's Republican Party. The different authors who contribute articles in this book seem to agree that the members who control the present- day Republican Party support a platform and endorse social and political ideas that run contrary to the primary tenets of Christianity. They don't come right out and say that Jesus would support the Democrats if he were alive today but they certainly do not feel that Republicanism is compatible with Christianity and they are convinced that Jesus himself would never vote for a Republican for any political office.
Some of the contributions to this book are by author's whose works I have read before. People like Rob Boston (of Americans United for Separation of Church and State), Thomas Frank, Chris Mooney, and others are among the writers I have read in the past. What they contribute here is typical of what they usually write about when it comes to the mixing of religion and politics. They feel that both government and religion are both better off the less the two are mixed together and they make some solid arguments in this book explaining why militarism, the death penalty, and other positions usually supported by Republicans and the Religious Right are wrong from a Christian standpoint and wrong for America.
There are a total of thirty- three articles in this book and some of them are stronger and more convincing than others. I liked the article contributed by Rob Boston titled "James Madison Rebukes the Religious Right" because it is well- reasoned and it includes facts from the mouths of the Founding Fathers to back itself. The article taken from the Religious Institute on Sexual Morality, Justice, and Healing titled "An Open Letter to Religious Leaders on Abortion as a Moral Decision" is also very good because of its persuasive writing and because it dares to tackle an issue like abortion and argue in favor of the position to keep it legal.
With other contributions, it's a hit and miss game, with some of them offering some good, well- reasoned arguments and others falling a little bit short. For example, there are some articles that talk about the importance of social justice. These articles claim that social justice is endorsed by the Bible and they include Bible passages to back them. But what these articles don't necessarily talk about is whether or not government is supposed to take an active role in achieving these ends. The authors of these articles seem to suggest that social justice for the poor is a Biblical requirement that governments must address. However, I cannot think of anything in the Bible that says coercion is a necessary element in the quest for social justice and that governments are thus obligated to take from one person by force and give to another. The way I interpret the Biblical passages on social justice is that individuals should assume this obligation, without the use of coercion of any kind. The reasoning offered here, and in certain other articles, is not as convincing as its authors intended.
The different writers who contribute to this book have an important message to share but what they talk about is completely biased and closed to any further debate. They include many Bible quotes to back up their claims that what Republicans believe in is actually anti- religion. But I have read articles from those on the other side that also use Bible quotes to back their claims. What this shows is that, as many already are aware, there is a passage in the Bible to back most any claim. Depending on interpretation, almost any political or social position can be backed by something, somewhere, in this sacred text.
The timeline at the end of this guide is interesting at first, but it gets a little silly because it is nothing more than an anti- Religious Right rant. I don't support much of what the Religious Right stands for politically, but this timeline is a little too outrageous, even for me. Most all of the events highlighted are, in some way, a negative expose on some religious leader or political movement. For example, 1980 has a mark for Jerry Falwell that reads "Jerry Falwell founds the Moral Majority and declares war on homosexuality". In 1997, there is a mark for Falwell once again that reads "Ellen Degeneras comes out; Jerry Falwell nicknames her `Ellen Degenerate". 1999 has a mark on the timeline that reads "Vermont legalizes same- sex unions; Gary Bauer calls the move `worse than terrorism". I can understand why the editors included these things on the timeline and I know they are trying to prove a point about the extremism of certain members of the Religious Right or affiliated political organizations. But this timeline gets a little carried away with its constant negativity and its tendency to split hairs.
I can appreciate the general message of this book but I have a difficult time giving it much more than a small recommendation. First, I don't like that the two editors composed this book entirely of articles written by other people. When I first saw this book on- line I wanted to read it right way because of the eye- catching title. I thought it was going to be an original book by Clint Willis and Nate Hardcastle with some good, sensible reading about the Religious Right and its desire to make the United States government more theocratic in nature. But this book is nothing more than a collection of material borrowed from others and much of it I have already read before.
Overall, "Jesus is Not a Republican" is a book that is good enough to recommend but not by much. There are some good, thoughtful articles in this book and some not- so- good articles that are not very convincing when it comes to religion and its proper place in politics and society. If this book could be re- edited and about one- third of the articles eliminated, I would be more inclined to give it a full recommendation. But as it stands, it is worthy of only about two and one- half stars. I'm going to round this up to three stars and reluctantly give it a recommendation. It has some important information to share and some solid, persuasive arguments to make. But there is a little too much negativity, weak reasoning in some instances, and one- sidedness to rate it any better than average.
A Great Book.......2006-02-18
Jesus is not a Republican is one of the best books I have read this year. It points out the horrible way the "Religious Right" has subverted Biblical texts to advance their agenda, which basically is a war on the poor in this country. I read the entire book in one sitting - I just couldn't put it down.
It's that good!!!!!
Interesting, and Sometimes Scary!.......2005-12-13
Willis presents an anthology of contributions that make a significant case that much of what "Christian conservatives" support is hypocritical; in addition, there were also several writings included that had little/no link to right-wing Christians that I failed to understand their reason for inclusion.
The following summarizes some of the material presented (there is no overall logic flow - such a series of short vignettes):
Republicans lately have spoken of a culture of life, by which they seem to mean a culture that pursues withholding resources and distorting information (eg. about condoms) that could save millions of potential AIDS victims and stop unwanted prenancies that lead to abortions, prevents girls and women from having safe abortions, but does nothing to sustain their children once they are born, spends huge sums keeping a brain-dead person alive, but next to nothing to provide basic health care to poor children, kills civilians by the thousands in pursuit of political ends that are at best murky, opposes stem-cell research directed at major improvements for those with serious, chronic illness, and does almost nothing to save the thousands of children who needlessly die of starvation or illness every day in developing nations.
Polls consistently show that at most one-fifth of the U.S. subscribes to "extremist" (per George Will) regious views in the Republican base (another poll cited concluded that 59% believe in the Bible's apocalypse. Yet, we allow them to bully the majority with intelligent design, Terri Shiavo, Limited means of birth control, the sense that "Freedom is God's gift to the world" (we are doing God's work), droughts, floods, famine, etc. via ecological collapse are signs of the apocalypse - therefore, we need not worry about them (aiding Israel is also good as it brings us closer to the desired end).
President Bush uses the word "God" in Inaugeral Addresses more than any other President; he also uses it differently - not as seeking guidance or blessing, but as a prophet issuing declarations of divine decisions for the U.S. and world.
YUM! (PizzaHut, KFC, Taco Bell, etc.) matches employee donations to radical right-wing James Dobson's "Focus on the Family," while paying drivers $6/hour (includes gas and depreciation), and pulls advertising on "Desperate Housewives."
Leaders who emphasize their Christian principles strongly back torture in the War on Terror.
"AIDS is the wrath of a just God against homosexuals" - Jerry Falwell.
Kansas' elected leaders are selected primarily for religious positions (despite a weak and sinking economy), and then support economic measures that make the situation worse.
A helpful reminder of how the Gospels contradict the Religious Right.......2005-10-05
I grew up attending the Geyer Springs Baptist Church in Little Rock, Arkansas and became a diligent Bible reader. I read it from cover to cover in a number of translations. The Living Bible first, then Today's English Version (the Good News for Modern Man version), the King James's Version, the NIV, and the RSV. Parts I read more than others, and parts I read by far the most were the Gospels, especially the sayings and sermons and parables of Jesus. I was not raised in a political family, but my politics were profoundly formed and fashioned by reading the New Testament.
I learned some amazing things in the Gospels. Jesus said that if you had two coats, take one of them and give it to someone who had none. If someone struck you, you were to turn and offer them the other cheek. Jesus was constantly reaching out to the poor, was profoundly suspicious of the religious (especially those who loved to prayer in public and put their religiosity on display), and had an extraordinarily low disregard for the wealthy. He displayed an affirmation of the worth of women that was simply unprecedented in the Middle East of the time. And while he sternly avoided the rich and powerful and respected, he spent all his time among the poor, the dregs, the lepers, and the needy.
All this stands in stark contrast with today's American churches, especially those in the Bible belt. My bet is that these people in the churches with parking lots filled with Mercedes and Jaguars and BMW are filled with members with lots and lots of coats, not just two. I vividly remember attending First Baptist Church in Dallas, Texas where the famous W. A. Criswell utters the astonishing affirmation that the only economic system ordained by God was the free enterprise system. The gap between these teachings and these actions and the portrait of Jesus in the New Testament is gargantuan. Anyone intimately familiar with the Gospels can't help but realize that something has gone seriously awry.
I agree with the first reviewer that Jesus is neither a Republican nor a Democrat, but neither is he nonpolitical. But that doesn't negate the fact that Jesus made a host of utterances that, if taken seriously by a reader such as I was as a teen, lead one to a nonpartisan ultra left wing political position. But this all misses the point. While my religion leads me to an extreme left wing political position, I do not think that this should be somehow encapsulated in currently political structures. The founders, especially James Madison though also John Adams and Jefferson recognized that forcing a link between the political structures of society and religion is harmful to religion and to politics. I believe this will become progressively obvious in the decades to come, as the current political involvement of the Religious Right in right wing politics will cause both a repudiation of both. History has witnessed such coalitions before, and always when one goes down, the other is affected as well.
This anthology tries to provide some balance in the current discussion of the connection between Christianity and politics. All too often, the press presumes that the Religious Right somehow speaks for all Christians, and that all Christians are right wingers. This is simply wrong, and one of the weaknesses of the collection is that this isn't sufficiently brought out. In fact, most Christians are not fundamentalists, not right wingers, did not support the war in Iraq, are not supporters of George Bush, and not necessarily Republican. Only about 20% of the US fits the demographic that would be considered the Religious Right, and not all of them share the entire agenda.
The main value, therefore, of this collection is that it serves as a reminder and a corrective to general perceptions. The Gospels clearly and powerfully authorize a set of social concerns that are diametrically opposed to the general impression of the Religious Right, with its obsession on war, on promulgating wealth, on public expressions of religiosity, and unfettered free market capitalism. These are simply not Christian values, yet few in the press ever challenge these.
The writers in this book are from various points of view. My major complaint is the overall journalistic quality of the contributors. There are much better individuals taking up these same issues. I would have liked to see invited papers as well. And some of the more prominent contributors are people I find a tad superficial or wrongheaded. For instance, I have profound problems with the theoretical foundations of the work of John Dominac Crossan (he of the rather silly Jesus Seminar) and surely there was no need to quote so much of Stephen Mitchell's various paraphrases of the New Testament. Few evangelicals were included despite the fact that there are a host of them with left wing politics. Nonetheless, the book is valuable for presenting a wide body of opinion that is in sharp opposition to much of what is being said today about the link between God and politics.
A couple of the pieces deserve special mention. I especially enjoyed Rob Boston's discussion of James Madison's views on the separation of Church and State. Madison, of course, is the key figure in the forming of the U.S. Constitution, having participated in the debates in Philadelphia (keeping for posterity detailed notes that later stood as the major document of what happened in the convention), having written a number of the FEDERALIST PAPERS, including the most important in the bunch, Number 10, having pushed the Virginia statute for the separation of Church and State into ratification in his home state (though it was written by Jefferson--the statute was later the model for the Bill of Rights), a key figure in arguing for the Constitution's ratification, and the primary author of the Bill of Rights. In other words, Madison is the key figure where the Constitution is concerned, and he was also a passionate and persistent defender of the separation of church and state. Despite this, many on the Right out of complete ignorance want to assert that the wall between Church and State is a myth or even a lie told by later generations. But the words of all the major Founders contradict this, so do the words of those contemporaries who opposed the Founders. The major complete by these opponents was that the constitution clearly had no place for God. In fact, it was only in the very late 20th century that ANYONE ever started making the bizarre claim that the Constitution did not place a wall between church and state.
I'm very concerned for the fate of Christianity in this generation. The so-called friends of the faith have managed to align millions of Christians with a political agenda that most Americans find reprehensible. They unquestionably see things at this moment as a great time, but my fear is that when the reaction sets in--and reactions always set in--the result will be not merely the right wing political ideology that is causing incalculable harm to the nation and world right now, but to the cause of Christianity itself. Jesus warns of being stumbling blocks, but I believe the misguided political activity of the Religious Right today will have created the greatest stumbling block in the history of the faith.
More than every, it is crucial for Christians with a clearer understanding of the faith that the misguided millions in the Religious Right to step forward and offer an alternative, more Biblically-based understanding of society. We must be prepared to undo all the damage that our misguided brethren are currently causing.
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- Government -- Free & Strong
|
Republican Empire: Alexander Hamilton on War and Free Government (Modern War Studies)
Karl-Friedrich Walling
Manufacturer: University Press of Kansas
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Binding: Hardcover
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Book Description
The republics of Greece and Rome proved incapable of waging war effectively and remaining free at the same time. The record of modern republics is not much more encouraging. How, then, did the United States manage to emerge victorious from the world wars of this century, including the Cold War, and still retain its fundamental liberties?
For Karl-Friedrich Walling, this unprecedented accomplishment was the work of many hands and many generations, but of Alexander Hamilton especially. No Founder thought more about the theory and practice of modern war and free government. None supplied advice of more enduring relevance to statesmen faced with the responsibility of providing for the common defense while securing the blessings of liberty to their posterity.
Hamilton's strategic sobriety led many of his contemporaries to view him as an American Caesar, but this revisionist account calls the conventional "militarist" interpretation of Hamilton into question. Hamilton sought to unite the strength necessary for war with the restraint required by the rule of law, popular consent, and individual rights. In the process, he helped found something new, the world's most durable republican empire.
Walling constructs a conversation about war and freedom between Hamilton and the Loyalists, the Anti-Federalists, the Jeffersonians, and other Federalists. Instead of pitting Hamilton's virtues against his opponents' vices (or vice versa), Walling pits Hamilton's virtue of responsibility against the revolutionary virtue of vigilance, a quarrel he believes is inherent to American party government. By reexamining that quarrel in light of the necessities of war and the requirements of liberty, Walling has written the most balanced and moving account of Hamilton so far.
This book is part of the American Political Thought series.
Customer Reviews:
Government -- Free & Strong.......2001-07-20
An exploration of the various syntheses of Hamilton's political thought, and its meaning for our institutions. Complex, as was Hamilton's mind, it is a necessary work for understanding the contributions of Hamiltonian principles beyond the manufactured absurdity of the Jefferson-Hamilton pseudo-morality play.
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