Book Description
India is everywhere: on magazine covers and cinema marquees, at the gym and in the kitchen, in corporate boardrooms and on Capitol Hill. Through incisive reportage and illuminating analysis, Mira Kamdar explores India's astonishing transformation from a developing country into a global powerhouse. She takes us inside India, reporting on the people, companies, and policies defining the new India and revealing how it will profoundly affect our future -- financially, culturally, politically.
The world's fastest-growing democracy, India has the youngest population on the planet, and a middle class as big as the population of the entire United States. Its market has the potential to become the world's largest. As one film producer told Kamdar when they met in New York, "Who needs the American audience? There are only 300 million people here." Not only is India the ideal market for the next new thing, but with a highly skilled English-speaking workforce, elite educational institutions, and growing foreign investment, India is emerging as an innovator of the technology that is driving the next phase of the global economy.
While India is celebrating its meteoric rise, it is also racing against time to bring the benefits of the twenty-first century to the 800 million Indians who live on less than two dollars per day, to find the sustainable energy to fuel its explosive economic growth, and to navigate international and domestic politics to ensure India's security and its status as a global power. India is the world in microcosm: the challenges it faces are universal -- from combating terrorism, poverty, and disease to protecting the environment and creating jobs. The urgency of these challenges for India is spurring innovative solutions, which will catapult it to the top of the new world order. If India succeeds, it will not only save itself, it will save us all. If it fails, we will all suffer. As goes India, so goes the world.
Mira Kamdar tells the dramatic story of a nation in the midst of redefining itself and our world. Provocative, timely, and essential, Planet India is the groundbreaking book that will convince Americans just how high the stakes are -- what there is to lose, and what there is to gain from India's meteoric rise.
DID YOU KNOW?
•
India is the world's fourth-largest economy.
•
By 2034, India will be the most populous country on Earth, with 1.6 billion people.
•
India's middle class is already larger than the entire population of the United States.
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One out of three of the world's malnourished children live in India.
•
India is home to the biggest youth population on earth:
600 million people are under the age of 25.
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72,000,000 cell phones will be sold in India in 2007.
•
India just edged past the United States to become the second-most-preferred destination for foreign direct investment after China.
•
In 1991, Indians purchased 150,000 automobiles; in 2007, they are expected to purchase 10 million.
•
By 2008, India's total pool of qualified graduates will be more than twice as large as China's.
•
By 2015, an estimated 3.5 million white-collar U.S. jobs will be offshored.
•
India is the largest arms importer in the developing world.
•
American corporations expect to earn $20 to $40 billion from the civilian nuclear agreement with India.
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In 2007, there are 2.2 million Indian Americans, a number expected to double every decade.
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Twenty-nine percent of India's population speaks English -- that's 350 million people.
Customer Reviews:
Pro-India, Anti-America Cheerleading.......2007-07-31
This book lacks objectivity or analysis -- as one other reviewer stated, it is a breathless gush of cheerleading and sympathetic attitudes towards India, devoid of any analytic content.
The book is doubles as an equally gullible critique of American capitalism and world leadership. These passages lack all analytical depth and seriousness -- you can hear better critiques of America by spending twenty minutes at a protest.
The author believes that India is the solution to The Problem That Is The Hated America, which feels forced. Your time is much better spent on other things. I'm actually asking for my money back from the company that sold this to me.
I nearly gave up on this book about 1/3 through...........2007-07-31
...but then it really got good. The first 1/3 of the book is full of gee-whiz statistics on growth. It is also full of what I call "Reader's Digest" subchapters that gush excessively, in the genre of: ("Mr. X ushered me into his elegant office, high above the immaculate tech campus. Sales grew at 83% last year, mainly due to American outsourcing...") or ("the girls upon graduation could produce PowerPoint presentations;") just what the world needs more of.
Then we get into the really great parts of the book. All of India's shortcomings are examined realistically, from pollution of the groundwater and air, caste differences, religious hatred, a dozen or two languages, the bomb, the lack of any real education or medical care or opportunity for most of the vast population, corruption, the suppression of women, lack of electricity and airports, global warming, ethnic uprisings, Pakistan, China, etc, and no punches are pulled.
In short there is a real question as to whether success in India will be like success in Mexico: a widening gap between rich and poor that grows worse each decade. Several reviewers have inferred from the book that global success for India is inevitable. Perhaps, but not necessarily.
The book is really superb. I liken it to "Guns, Germs, and Steel" which explained how physical and cultural geography determined why certain areas of the globe prospered in centuries past. Planet India gives us the physical and cultural elements to try and deduce India's future. Frankly, it's not looking good, except for a small oligarchic class. But good luck to them, and good luck to America.
Just because I am not as positive on the outcome does not make this book any less fascinating. Enjoy!
Excellent, but incomplete..........2007-07-28
Mira Kamdar presents an excellent overview on modern India and its increasing influence on America and the world. She makes clear arguments for India's influence on economic, cultural, and social developments but leaves out an important one; spirituality. The impact of Hindu and Buddhist spirutuality on America and the world is ever increasing but for some reason, she decided not to discuss it (or lost a fight with the editors/publishers). I would be glad to see a second edition of this book which included the increasing spiritual impact of India on the rest of the world, and what it means for all of us.
A great introduction to India.......2007-07-26
This is really a great book not to miss. India might very well be the political balance to China when the United States declines and eventually falls.
I did go to Bombay some years back for a friend¡¦s wedding, but I honestly never viewed India as a major economic or military power. Poverty was rampant, and I heard of stories of families killing female babies because they are a financial drain to them (infanticide).
Corruption is also rampant in India, and the author tells the stories of famous Indians who were harassed when they spoke out against corruption. Corruption is rampant in my country as well and I learnt to keep my mouth shut.
The author points out the many tragic challenges facing Indians. HIV is a major problem in India now, with probably 20 million Indians already infected with AIDS. Poverty, infanticide, corruption, and crime are problems that can be solved through education, caring, and policing. India can easily surmount those challenges if the government puts its mind to it.
India is now a nuclear nation, and this worries some that this could lead to an arms race, especially with Pakistan and China. The US is counting on India as a military balance in the region. There has been many instances where the possibility of nuclear war between India and Pakistan was at a critical point.
India is the world's fastest-growing democracy. It also has the youngest population on the planet, and a middle class as big as the population of the entire United States. Its market has the potential to become the world's largest. As one film producer said, "Who needs the American audience? There are only 300 million people here."
Although most Indians highly respected the US in the 90s, most don¡¦t anymore after Bush junior took office. Many are against the offensive strategies of the US, especially the war in Iraq.
The number of American Indians is increasing, which is giving India a powerful voice in its lobbying attempts in Washington. Some say India¡¦s lobbyist in D.C. will attain the power of the Jewish lobbyists in the near future.
The author does warn that India must not follow the American system, but rather invent its own. That concept is very interesting.
I was fascinated by the chapter on how polluted the water is in some regions of India, and of the thousands who die as a result of poisoning and of cancer. According to the author, this water pollution has entered packaged food.
There are also stories of suicides due to the inability to pay back loan sharks who charge 10% a month!
The author also describes how in cities the rich live next to poor neighborhoods and manage to completely ignore them or pretend like they did not exist. The nature of man is the same everywhere.
Here are some facts about India taken from the book¡¦s back cover:
Þ India is the world's fourth-largest economy.
Þ By 2034, India will be the most populous country on Earth, with 1.6 billion people.
Þ One out of three of the world's malnourished children live in India.
Þ 600 million people are under the age of 25.
Þ 72,000,000 cell phones will be sold in India in 2007.
Þ India just edged past the United States to become the second-most-preferred destination for foreign direct investment after China.
Þ In 1991, Indians purchased 150,000 automobiles; in 2007, they are expected to purchase 10 million.
Þ By 2008, India's total pool of qualified graduates will be more than twice as large as China's.
Þ By 2015, an estimated 3.5 million white-collar U.S. jobs will be offshored.
Þ India is the largest arms importer in the developing world.
Þ American corporations expect to earn $20 to $40 billion from the civilian nuclear agreement with India.
Þ In 2007, there are 2.2 million Indian Americans, a number expected to double every decade.
Þ Twenty-nine percent of India's population speaks English -- that's 350 million people.
One reviewer on amazon.com had the following to say:
"This book reads more like a dream of what India could be rather than an objective assessment of what it is. It is proof that Indians continue to suffer from a serious inferiority complex with the constant need to assert their "greatness" without down-to-earth critical assessment of reality facing the country."
I personally enjoyed this book and highly recommend it.
Planet India: Well-written Book about the good, the bad and the ugly sides of India.......2007-07-20
Title: Planet India; How the Fastest Growing Democracy Is Transforming America and the World
By Mira Kamdar
Publisher: Simon and Schuster
Category: Politics/ Current Events
Pages: 336
ISBN: 0743296850
Review By: Diana Rohini LaVigne, Indian Life & Style Magazine
Award-winning writer Mira Kamdar has done it again and used her writing skill to engage the world in opening up discussions on the impact India is having globally.
At a time when India is so much a part of our daily vocabulary, Kamdar compiles the facts, figures and statistics on how India is and will impact us in the United States as well as globally. Her analysis is not only compelling but is delivered in a way for any layman to understand.
Understanding the companies, the people, the culture and the society is vital if the rest of the world wants to learn more about how this third world place has so quickly taken center stage among the giants.
But this dramatic story doesn't just show India's journey of redefining itself but also of the real life challenges it faces on the road ahead. It is India's time to shine or sink and this book will enlighten you about the complexities surrounding the different destinies.
Although it's filled with facts and figures, Planet India was easy to comprehend and presented complex topics in simple terms. It's a great modern resource book for India. I passed along my copy to a college and I've missed having it on my book shelf so many times when a heated debate arises over a dinner party and I am looking to reference it. My advice: Don't give your copy off, keep it close and keep it near! It's a book worth keeping and a great conversation piece for friends and family.
Average customer rating:
- Calculations are only as good as your numbers
- Pants on fire?
- Accepted History & Chronology Must Be Changed.
- Very Interesting
- History as Science Fiction
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History: Fiction or Science? (Chronology, No. 1)
Anatoly Fomenko
Manufacturer: Mithec
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ASIN: 2913621058 |
Book Description
Recorded history is a finely-woven magic fabric of intricate lies about events predating the sixteenth century. There is not a single piece of evidence that can be reliably and independently traced back earlier than the eleventh century. This book details events that are substantiated by hard facts and logic, and validated by new astronomical research and statistical analysis of ancient sources.
Customer Reviews:
Calculations are only as good as your numbers.......2007-08-03
Yes, we can all agree that mainstream history is nearly 100% BS due to politics, economics, ego, problems with dating techniques, and various conspiracies. Agreed. But, I've been researching the distinct possibility that human history (in terms of civilizations) are much more ancient than we've been told, so coming across this book was very interesting to me. I wondered how Fomenko could be wrong (if at all) because he is very persuasive in his presentations. Then it dawned on me. If at previous times in prehistory, due to the various catastrophies that are well documented (comets, asteroids, planetary disruptions, plasma discharge, pole reversals, etc) the Earth was in a different position in relation to the sun, different tilt on its axis, different orbit, different rotation (in terms of velocity and DIRECTION), and the continents were in different positions, then would this not cause the ancients to see the sky (constellations) differently? In other words, is Fomenko making erronious assumptions about the physics of the Earth in pre-history, which then corrupt his data with regards to dating the relevant astrology? The last event to seriously disrupt our planet occured roughly 3500 years ago, according to other good researchers, so is it possible Fomenko has been confused by this? The vastly different physics of our planet in the not so distant past may explain this confusion, which is not to say the "mainstream" version of history is correct; on the contrary. I am not an expert in these fields, but wanted to see if this idea could spark discussion.
Pants on fire?.......2007-07-19
Will people ever read before spamming? Yes, Jesuits could not rewrite world history alone, they had help. Anyway, Dr Prof Acad A.Fomenko does not point to jesuits as the driving force of world wide history manipulation in published volumes 1,2,3;, actually he barely mentions the poor devils. Check it with 'Search inside' feature, please. China is rarely mentioned either, in fact, Dr Fomenko is completely eurocentric. Right, his theory contradicts all mainstream schools of history, because in their actual state they are all built on blatantly erroneus chronology. You don't need a mysterious cabal (conspiracy) to falsify history, the falsification is its modus operandi. It is inherent to history(ians) to falsify (distort) events, as it is inherent to humans to boast as it is inherent to power (authority) to legimize itself by referrring to glorious past made to its own order. Dr Prof Fomenko and team have identified scores of instances of such manipulation in Russian, European, etc.. history, and delivered valid statistical proof thereof. His own 'reconstruction' is completely another story. Forget c14 as a valid method of dating. W.Libby has initially discovered a brilliant method of INDEPENDENT dating. Too bad, c14 method has become a joke after a forced marrige with dendrochronology with consensual chronological scale inbuilt. Radiocarbon method can't stand blind tests, but is so very productive as a rubberstamp.
Accepted History & Chronology Must Be Changed. .......2007-04-09
There is no doubt that history as most know it is a sham, & institution's version of History both University & Church is fradulent & inaccurate. Everything was established with an agenda, The real "Dark Ages" are now when we have access to incredible amounts of information past authorities & more important 'common folk' didn't have but our institutions & educators are slow to evolve because of what has ignorantly & arrogantly been taught for too long. This is on many subjects not just Chronology.
For anyone to question "Why would a Mathematician have anything credible to say of History?" The answer is from Dr. Fomenko's preface in the book: "It would be worthwhile to remind the reader that in the XVI-XVII century Chronology was considered to be a subdivision of Mathematics." These volumes could possibly be some of the most important works to date & should be read by everyone with an interest in History, especially professors & educators who have a duty to the public. I have read both books & must say that 'Chronology 1' has some very eye opening & revolutionary information. Even if these volumes are part true the implications are profound & opens the doors to further investigations & questions which must be done. I speak several different lanquages & must say the logic Dr. Fomenko uses with "inflection" of words & words being read from left to right in one region & right to left in another then written backwards, the removal of vowels & get down to basics of words, or different cities & locations having the same name etc. is correct. Vowel usage has always been optional & varied, actually complicating linquistics & study. The first thing one has to understand is that words never had a fixed spelling in history like we do now, the spelling of words was mutable & regional, as well as names & titles of people were vast, varied & changed, NOTHING WAS FIXED or understood linear. Matters of Life & Death as well as financial profiteering yesterday & today were & are made with ignorant, illogical & conspiratorial views of history & reality, it's time people get closer to the Truth & society collectively grow up.
Very Interesting.......2007-03-07
It is a good proposal and I believe it will mature into something even better in the future. I think it deserves to be read.
History as Science Fiction.......2007-01-10
Anatoly Fomenko has written a very intriguing book, full of pictures, charts, and computer 'proof' of his thesis: backwards of AD900 we don't really know what happened or when. Between AD900 and AD1600 there is more certainty, but there is still a lot of fuzzy ground, and things don't get reliable until we get past the 1600's where the printing press made it very difficult for the perpetrators of this timeline manipulation to change anything that had been committed to print. The Dark Ages did not happen. Books were burned for a reason. One organization has doubled the actual length of its existence by expanding the real chronology. Read why.
I had always wondered why Christ died about AD33 and yet men waited until the 11th century to form the Knights Templar, the Cathars, etc and go after the Holy Land by force. Why the 1000 year gap? Turns out there wasn't more than a 10-12 year gap and he proves it using astronomy. This also implies that the planet is not as old as we have been told, and current Christian and other creationist scientists are already championing that idea without being aware of Fomenko's book. The two groups, creationist scientists and the Russian mathematical analysts corroborate each other. Fascinating.
Of course, all this flies in the face of what we have been told traditionally is the 'proper' chronology of western civilization, and most readers will experience 'cognitive dissonance' in reading this book. It means that our history going backwards from AD1600 becomes progressively more incorrect and unreliable until it cannot be trusted at all... in the space of 700-800 years.
Naturally, the curious, open-minded reader will want to know WHO did this, WHY, and did any of the events we think of as really ancient ever happen?
Dr. Fomenko is a respected scientist/mathematician at Moscow State University who has already answered these questions to the satisfaction of his initially skeptical colleagues. Most of them are now believers, a few still refuse to believe (the usual diehards), and of course the western press has ignored Fomenko's work -- for obvious reasons when you read the book. The ones who perpetrated this chronology ruse have a lot to answer for. They are still with us. That's why this book is a well-kept secret.
I gave the book a 4-star rating because I was unable to check out some of his claims; those I checked were as he said. But if even 1/3 of his claims are true, this punches a big hole in what we think is our history, the meaning of western civilization, our educational process (for repeating the ruse as gospel), and the trustworthiness of the organization that perpetrated this ruse, well-intentioned or not.
This book relates to current research into a Young Earth paradigm, to John Keel's discoveries about our planet, and Fr Malachi Martin's insights (in his now out-of-print books). We are indeed sheep who are manipulated and kept ignorant -- for a reason. While knowing what these men have to say may be the "booby prize" (as in: 'what can you do with this knowledge?'), it will provide interesting reading. Didn't someone say: "...and the Truth will set you free."?? For you to judge if this book contains the truth.
Book Description
Despite the overwhelming opposition on the left to the war in Iraq, many prominent liberals supported the war on humanitarian grounds. They argued that the war would rid the world of a brutal dictator and liberate the Iraqi people from totalitarian oppression, paving the way for a democratic transformation of the country.
In
A Pact with the Devil Tony Smith deftly traces this undeniable drift in mainstream liberal thinking toward a more militant posture in world affairs with respect to human rights and democracy promotion. Beginning with the Wilsonian quest to Â`make the world safe for democracyÂ' right up to the present day liberal support for regime change, Smith isolates leading strands of liberal internationalist thinking in order to see how the Â`liberal hawksÂ' constructed them into a case for American and liberal imperialism in the Middle East. The result is a reflection on an important aspect of the intellectual history of American foreign policy; establishing how a sophisticated group of thinkers came to fashion their recommendations to Washington and working to see what role liberalism may still play in deliberations in the country on its role in world events now that the failure of these ambitions in Iraq seems clear.
Customer Reviews:
Nice Cover.......2007-08-05
For me this book was practically unreadable. Very technical and quite hard to get interested in. I gave it 2 stars only because the cover was catchy. I was asleep at chapter 2. It's one thing to have a lot of information in a book, which is good, but it takes talent to keep it interesting. It just doesn't have to be this hard to read. There's no reason for it.
nonpartisan perspective on US empire-building.......2007-07-15
I read this book after seeing Prof. Smith's op-ed in the Washington Post in Spring 2007 in which he showed how both "neoliberal" Democrats of the Democratic Leadership Council ilk (such as the Clintons) and "neoconservative" Republicans of the Project for a New American Century ilk (such as the Bush team) are more-or-less coming from the same roots and share a common vision of the US role in the world.
The book fleshes out the points made necessarily briefly in an op-ed. Smith shows clearly yet with much passion how "the Bush Doctrine" is a radical extension of its Wilsonian roots and also how the "new Democrats" support it, but for slightly different reasons. Whereas the "neocons" fear American enemies and want to preemptively defeat them, the "neolibs" seek to "gift" the world with democratic capitalism. On the ground, it looks too sadly similar.
In places, I was eager for Prof. Smith to move along with his case and in others, it seemed redundant. But overall, he has shown clearly how little choice there is among the mainstream voices in our political world, both among candidates and in the media. In an election year, anyone interested in seeing true change in this country would benefit from reading and reflecting on Prof. Smith's arguments.
Book Description
Gil Merom argues that modern democracies fail in insurgency wars because they are unable to find a winning balance between expedient and moral tolerance for the costs of war. Small wars are lost at home when a critical minority shifts the balancing element from the battlefield to the marketplace of ideas. This minority, representing the educated middle class, abhors the brutality involved in effective counterinsurgency, but also refuses to sustain the level of casualties resulting from fighting in other ways.
Customer Reviews:
They're not "Small Wars" if you live there. . ........2005-06-04
Merom's book, and Lusavardi's review essay which endorses it, share a subscription to an unhappy intellectual current: "the stab in the back" -- the idea that a worthwhile military effort is undermined by "intellectuals" back home, and that if we'd only been able to "take the gloves off" and be just a bit more brutal -as demanded by circumstances, of course-- then everything would have turned out OK.
But this analysis is both wrong, and a pretext for the suppression of dissent. One of the characteristics of all three of the wars that Merom covers is that they were long, far longer than the American Civil War, and than American involvelment in WWII. The length of these involvements alone belies the argument that if only "a little more time, or more men" had been expended then the outcome would have been different.
What they also share in common --and share with Iraq-- is that they were at best marginally legitimate. None of these "wars" included a declaration of war, nor the political unity that such a declarations require-- Begin's invasion of Lebanon was regarded as illegal by the international community, and unwise by many Israelis. The "casus foederis" for America's Vietnam excursion, the "Gulf of Tonkin Incident" was as authentic as Saddam's Weapons of Mass Destruction. And France wished to maintain as French an Arab Muslim territory which didn't desire it at a time when the international community --prominently including the US-- regarded old Empires as politically illegitimate.
An alternate explanation for why democracies lose such wars is that military political elites, having papered together a thin pretext for intervention, are unable to maintain such rationales against the steady wave of casualties, the hatred for the intervener for their efforts, and the lack of any defined endpoint, but you won't hear that in Merom's book.
Finally, we might add that the brutality argument doesn't wash. Rather brutal nations have failed at counter-insurgency warfare --hard to argue that the Soviets in Afghanistan "kept the gloves on", nor that their successors in Chechnya have either. Conversely, the British did put down an insurgency in Malaya-- one of the classic success stories in counter-insurgency warfare.
Blaming whingeing home-front intellectuals for the strategic errors of those who commit a nation's soldiers to wars without end is tempting, but wrong.
Small Wars Lost At Home Not on Battlefield.......2004-05-15
How Democracy Loses Small Wars is perhaps one of the most-timely, but unrecognized books dealing with the so-called "quagmire" and war prisoner abuse situations the U.S. has encountered in Iraq in 2004. Gil Merom addresses how modern democracies lose small wars against weaker forces. Merom writes that small wars are lost mostly at home not on the battlefield when a highly media-visible minority of the educated upper middle class selectively views with moral revulsion the brutality and casualties necessary to win war. In response, government war leaders resort to repress the ugly realities of war by deceit, censure, and crackdowns, attracting even more media attention.
Merom offers three case studies of the outcomes of small wars: the French Algerian War, the Israeli Lebanon War, and the U.S. Vietnam War. It is not the Vietnam War but the French war against Algerian independence from 1954-60 that may offer the best history lesson for the U.S.-Iraq war. France sought to hold onto its empire and oil and gas resources in a mostly Muslim country. The French had overwhelming military power. There were low casualties. The public supported the war despite concerns about the economy. The conflict entailed mostly urban guerilla warfare where one third of the casualties were due to ambushes. And the war was portrayed as a struggle between "forces of light and those of darkness." Sound familiar? France won the battles but lost the war and had to eventually pull out. Its citizens would no longer tolerate the suppression of wartime abuses by criminalizing the press, the seizing of antiwar literature, and invoking the military draft.
So look for the Iraq war to be lost not in Fallujah or Kandahar, but in Berkeley, Paris, or more lately, in Madrid or Abu Ghraib prison. Look for the war to be lost if U.S. forces resort to war crimes, cover-ups, abuses of the Patriot Act, and succumbing to provocations of anti-war activists. Thus far, the Bush administration has court-martialed those who have committed abuses, has reluctantly admitted to no WMD's rather than attempting a cover up, and have avoided anything like the opinion galvanizing incident of the 1970 Kent State University National Guard killing of student Vietnam anti-war protesters in response to the provocation of burning down the campus ROTC building.
Merom offers good analysis of the interaction between the military and civilian battlefields. His book could have been enhanced by an analysis of how, what sociologists Alvin Gouldner and Peter Berger call the "new class" are able to socially construct the military as comprising the moral low ground. As to the quest for capturing the moral high ground in the Iraq War, perhaps the often self-indulgent anti-war activists could be reminded of the tragic moral consequences of the aftermath of abandoning Vietnam - the Killing Fields, the Boat People émigrés, and the atrocities of Pol Pot in Cambodia.
Book Description
Employing analytical tools borrowed from game theory, Carles Boix offers a complete theory of political transitions. It is one in which political regimes ultimately depend on the nature of economic assets, their distribution among individuals, and the balance of power among different social groups. Backed by detailed historical research and extensive statistical analysis from the mid-nineteenth century, the study reveals why democracy emerged in classical Athens. It also covers the early triumph of democracy in nineteenth-century agrarian Norway, Switzerland and northeastern America as well as its failure in countries with a powerful landowning class.
Customer Reviews:
Asset Specificity, Equality, and Democracy.......2007-02-11
Boix seeks to explain the emergence of various political systems; particularly the transitions between democratic governments, right-wing authoritarian regimes, and left-wing dictatorships. However, Boix's use of triangulated research - the combination of quantitative and qualitative measures - provides a more accurate explanation of regime transition than Lipset's original work.
Boix uses three main independent variables to explain political outcomes. First, Boix examines rates of inequality. He suggests that a nation with a more equitable distribution of assets is likely to see the emergence of a democratic regime. Boix writes, "A more unequal distribution of wealth increases the redistributive demands of the population and the ultimate level of taxes in a democratic system. As the potential level of transfers become larger, the authoritarian inclination of the wealthy increase and the probabilities of democratization and democratic survival decline" (37).
Second, Boix examines the specificity of assets, that is, whether or not assets are expropiatable to other countries. The author contends that the more liquid an asset, the more likely a democratic regime will emerge. Boix asserts that if the wealthy are able to expropriate their assets to other nations, these assets are less likely to be taxed heavily by the poor. As such, the upper classes will be more receptive to a democratic regime. On the other hand, assets that are nontransferable - such as oil wealth - are likely to be subject to heavy taxation by the poor if a democratic regime took hold. As such, it is in the best interest of the wealthy elite to repress the poor and protect their monopoly of assets.
Lastly, Boix looks at the impact of political resources on regime transition. The costs and benefits of repression or revolt fluctuate between social classes under various circumstances. Boix argues that, holding inequality and specificity constant, the conflict between these oppositional groups, and their relative political strengths and weaknesses, lead to the emergence of specific regime types. He writes, "rich and poor assess both the income and benefits associated with each political regime and the costs of achieving their preferred solution" (44). For example, an authoritarian regime often operates in the interests of the ruling elite. So long as the costs of repressing the poor are less than the costs of granting universal suffrage, authoritarianism will continue. On the other hand, if a shift in the balance of power between classes occurs, transition becomes more likely. Boix argues that as the poor gain political resources, and overcome the problems of collective action, they are likely to put pressure on the upper classes (45). The cost of repression to the wealthy then becomes too high to justify continued authoritarianism and democracy emerges. If the poor believe that they have gained political power, or that the cost of being repressed has become unbearable, revolt ensues, and a left-wing dictatorship takes over.
Boix's combination of econometric techniques and qualitative analysis has reexamined the modernization and democratization debate and will prove a lasting contribution to the field.
Book Description
For over a decade now, the reigning consensus has held that the combination of free markets and democracy would transform the third world and sweep away the ethnic hatred and religious zealotry associated with underdevelopment. In this astute, original, and surprising investigation of the true impact of globalization, Yale Law School professor Amy Chua explains why many developing countries are in fact consumed by ethnic violence after adopting free market democracy.
Chua shows how in non-Western countries around the globe, free markets have concentrated starkly disproportionate wealth in the hands of a resented ethnic minority. These “market-dominant minorities” – Chinese in Southeast Asia, Croatians in the former Yugoslavia, whites in Latin America and South Africa, Indians in East Africa, Lebanese in West Africa, Jews in post-communist Russia – become objects of violent hatred. At the same time, democracy empowers the impoverished majority, unleashing ethnic demagoguery, confiscation, and sometimes genocidal revenge. She also argues that the United States has become the world’s most visible market-dominant minority, a fact that helps explain the rising tide of anti-Americanism around the world. Chua is a friend of globalization, but she urges us to find ways to spread its benefits and curb its most destructive aspects.
Download Description
For over a decade now, the reigning consensus has held that the combination of free markets and democracy would transform the third world and sweep away the ethnic hatred and religious zealotry associated with underdevelopment. In this astute, original, and surprising investigation of the true impact of globalization, Yale Law School professor Amy Chua explains why many developing countries are in fact consumed by ethnic violence after adopting free market democracy.
Chua shows how in non-Western countries around the globe, free markets have concentrated starkly disproportionate wealth in the hands of a resented ethnic minority. These "market-dominant minorities" -- Chinese in Southeast Asia, Croatians in the former Yugoslavia, whites in Latin America and South Africa, Indians in East Africa, Lebanese in West Africa, Jews in post-communist Russia -- become objects of violent hatred. At the same time, democracy empowers the impoverished majority, unleashing ethnic demagoguery, confiscation, and sometimes genocidal revenge.
She also argues that the United States has become the world's most visible market-dominant minority, a fact that helps explain the rising tide of anti-Americanism around the world. Chua is a friend of globalization, but she urges us to find ways to spread its benefits and curb its most destructive aspects.
"Provocative, evocative, nuanced, and highly readable.... Amy Chua deserves our gratitude."
THE WASHINGTON POST
"Fascinating and disturbing... with an authority born of rigorous research."
BUSINESS WEEK
"World on Fire deserves to be widely read. It is a welcome antidote to the recycled mantras of the market-cheering right and the tired rhetoric of the anti-globalization left."
THE AMERICAN PROSPECT
"Superb.... Encourages us to confront the world as it is, and our actual place in it, with a humane and intellectually formidable imagination."
THE NEW YORK OBSERVER
"A riveting and original book that challenges key tenets of American political faith."
THE BALTIMORE SUN
"This hard-hitting book should be read by everyone who still imagines that free markets can solve all the world's ills. Chua's work is provocative, creative, and important; it turns conventional wisdom on its head, and no one interested in globalization can afford to ignore it."
BARBARA EHRENREICH, AUTHOR OF NICKEL AND DIMED: ON (NOT) GETTING BY IN AMERICA
"Provocative.... Shocking.... It should make Americans think twice about exporting their political culture wholesale without a thought of who dislikes whom."
SEATTLE TIMES
"[World on Fire] makes for compelling reading and sounds a sobering warning that should be heeded by all supporters and critics of globalization."
MILWAUKEE JOURNAL-SENTINEL
"A profound book, written in plain English, and challenging the very foundations of some glib -- and dangerous -- assumptions behind American foreign policy. This book should be read in the highest circles of decision-making, as well as by all those who like to consider themselves 'thinking people.' It should provoke some re-thinking -- and, for some, really thinking for the first time."
THOMAS SOWELL, HOOVER
Customer Reviews:
Well Written, Interesting and Important .......2007-10-14
Amy Chua has written a book which is both interesting and important. And - hooray! - it's also reader-friendly. Unlike the works of many other university professors, Chua's writing is lively and engaging. She writes with the clarity of an excellent instructor and with the passion of a person who has lost a member of her family to ethnic violence.
Chua, a professor at the Yale Law School, explains much of the violence in the world today. She writes that, in many of the world's troubled nations, an ethnic minority holds the vast majority of the wealth while an ethnic majority lives in relative (or absolute) poverty. Naturally, this imbalance of wealth leads to hate and to periodic conflict.
And Chua goes two steps further. If you extend this argument from a single nation to a region, it's easy to see why Israel is hated by its neighbors throughout the Middle East. And if you go one more step and look at Chua's argument on a world-wide level, it's also easy to understand why the United States is hated by many of the have-not nations of the world.
Regarding the book's sub-title, "How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability," Chua offers - The Untied States works hard to spread both capitalism and democracy around the world. Sounds good, right? But according to Chua, advancing both capitalism and democracy simultaneously actually makes matters worse. For when we spread capitalism, we enrich the already-wealthy ethnic minority. And when we spread democracy, we give votes to the have-not majority. And this combination is a formula for violence.
Required Reading for Republicans .......2007-10-10
The title of my review is meant to impress the members of the political party most in need of enlightenment on issues near and dear to their conservative hearts. Amy Chua's magnificent book clearly exposits the perils of willy nilly, incoherent application of the standard Republican mantra of free markets and democracy being the cure for all that ails mankind. She does NOT blame either for causing unrest and violence (as several of the neo-con reviwers have erroneously asserted) but she does make the case that both facilitate and emboldens majorities who have long felt oppressed by "econimically dominant minorities." In the hands of democratically elected demagogues (like Slobodan Milosevic in Serbian Yugoslavia) who use xenophobia to scare its majority constituents (sound familiar, Lou Dobbs fans?), these festering resentments frequently erupt in bloody confrontations,and Chua lists several examples (anti-Chinese attacks in post-Suharto Indonesia, Tutsi slughter by Hutus in Rwanda.) She also points out that the draconian financial austerity measures usually imposed on Third World countries by the IMF and World Bank (both US dominated) actually exacerbates the wealth inequalities by further consolidating the monopolization of economies by the resident ethnic minorities with financial acumen and established business networks. This further aggravates the spiral and cycle of resentment. She also convincingly makes the case that the US promotes a type of "democracy" and "free market economy" that we ourselves took 200 years to acquire or do not even practice today. The right to vote was only gradually granted universally to all regardless of property owning status, and the kind of laissez faire, anything-goes economic markets have been relatively restrained (well, until the corrupt GOP-led Congress further prostituted that body)by such policies as anti-trust legislation and social reduistributive programs. Expecting nations with little tradition in either area to convert overnight is simply ridiculuous and doomed to fail. Iraq will be the latest disaster in neo-con foreign policy conversion. The result of our illegal invasion will be perpetual civil war, with both sides jockeying for bigger and bigger slices of the financial handout pie, freshly baked by Joe Sucker Taxpayer. The only free markets Bush is interested in is the freedom to continue looting Iraq of its oil. Indeed, the US is very hypocritical when it comes to free market sloganeering. We protect markets all the time (ask agricultural product growers) and demand complete access for our products (increasingly becoming less and less, as the Chinese take over). Chua's book should be required reading for all neo-cons that think one size of democracy and free markets fit all.
Brilliant and mind-shifting.......2007-04-25
For someone who used to hate reading economics books, this book was a breeze. Amy Chua has cleverly and clearly explained why economic and social development in developing countries should have an inside-out approach. Western models don't always work and I've seen and experienced this, having worked for the Philippine government and dealing with consultants from international development agencies, and foreign consultants in general who come to the Philippines to recommend policies and systems that have been successfully implemented elsewhere. Each country is different, and each culture is unique. There is no one right answer to problems - so beware of consultants who have ready, packaged solutions.
Culture is the Underlying Motivation for All Decisions.......2007-02-04
I have been recommending Amy Chua's book, WORLD ON FIRM, for several years now. I think from an academic standpoint, it is far more valuable than that of THE WORLD IS FLAT by Thomas Friedman. Chua is an academic, but also the child of immigrants from another country. She has lived experience in her writings from cultural and ethnographic viewpoints, and not simply from the "gee wiz it's business" that Friedman tends to favor.
Chua's book is the first book I have seen on globalization that talks about culture in a clear and valuable sense.
I will continue to recommend her book to all of my undergraduate and MBA students and I hope she either updates this book for a future date or writes again on this topic.
Dr. Eileen Wibbeke
California, USA
A profound book.......2007-01-27
This is a very profound book. It deserves to be widely read and discussed. Chua is way before her time.
Contrary to what you may think upon reading the title, this book is not anti-free market or anti-globalization. It is a reality check. In numerous areas of the world, ethnic minorities hold disproportionate economic power. This creates resentment(envy really) among the majority group. Add democracy to the mix, and you can imagine what kinds of lunatics can be elected. For obscure reasons, this situation is virtually ignored until yet another vicious bloodbath manifests. And even then, people fail to understand what has really happened. Regardless, the problem is not going to go away by itself.
Book Description
Robert Jackall's Moral Mazes offers an eye-opening account of how corporate managers think the world works, and how big organizations shape moral consciousness. Based on extensive interviews with managers at every level of two industrial firms and of a large public relations agency, Moral Mazes takes the reader inside the intricate world of the corporation. Jackall reveals a world where hard work does not necessarily lead to success, but where sharp talk, self-promotion, powerful patrons, and sheer luck might. Cheerfully-bland public faces mask intense competition in this world where people hide their intentions, and accountability often depends on the ability to outrun mistakes. In this topsy-turvy world, managers must bring often unforgiving technology and always difficult people together to make money, an uncompromising task demanding continual compromises with conventional truths. Moral questions become merely practical concerns and issues of public relations. Sooner or later, managers find themselves wondering how to act in such a world and still maintain a sense of personal integrity. This brilliant, sometimes disturbing, often wildly funny study of corporate thinking, decision-making, and morality presents compelling real life stories of the men and women charged with running the businesses of America. It will interest anyone concerned with how big organizations actually function, or with the current moral malaise in our public life.
Customer Reviews:
bibliographic data : .......2005-11-06
Author: Jackall, Robert.
Title: Moral mazes : the world of corporate managers / Robert Jackall.
Publisher: New York : Oxford University Press, 1988.
Edition Date: 1988
Language: English
Notes: Includes index.
Physical Details: ix, 249 p. ; 25 cm.
Subjects: Business ethics--United States.
Executives--Professional ethics--United States.
Corporations--Corrupt practices--United States.
Objective, sad, but true.......2002-05-06
"Moral Mazes" is an extensive, award-winning and highly accurate sociological portrait of life in the modern corporation, an academic precursor, so to speak, of the "Dilbert" cartoon strip. Unlike many other writers on this topic, Jackall doesn't resort to Marxist rants, but rather, compares modern corporate culture to the "Protestant" work ethic most Americans are raised into.
Jackall's inquiry, based on in-depth interviews with managers themselves, is broad in scope, and it is hard to generalize. Within about 200 pages, he covers the social circles of the corporation, cronyism, bad decisionmaking and public relations, to name a few. He discovers that corporations, at the upper levels at least, resemble a king's court more than a meritocratic organization. The essential work of a manager is not "management" or "leadership," but constantly making the right friends and adopting the correct posture. Anyone who has worked in such a setting, or knows people in such a field, will be able to relate instantly, although it can be argued that Jackall did not need to spend years of ethnographic research to reach this conclusion.
This book is not for everyone, as Jackall must conclude that "ethics" as practiced by managers is nothing more than "survival" and ambition for one's own "advantage." While such a diagnosis may seem harsh, it is difficult to rationally explain recent events in the marketplace, such as the Enron scandal, without concluding that corporate executives have a moral compass that differs from that of the everyday person.
Contrary to what a layman may think, Jackall makes no moral judgments of his own, although readers most certainly will. The title itself can be misinterpreted by people not familiar with sociology. The "morals" Jackall discusses are not ethics (which he attacks in his intro), but Durkheim's "occupational morality." While he does study corporations, he calls the focus of this study the "bureaucratic ethos" (not "corporate ethos"). Anyone who's read history (or the local newspaper) already knows bureacracy can create its own rules, from governments (i.e., the Nazis and the Holocaust) to religions (i.e., Catholicism and child molesters).
Surprisingly, by portraying executives' lives as frought with anxiety, guilt, "senseless" work and no reliable means to measure their self worth, Jackall may cause an intelligent reader to actually feel sorry for them. Reading though his interviews with executives, there's little question that many executives began to regard him as a "Father Confessor" to admit their deeds.
At the same time, Jackall offers an alternative theory for why the American work ethic has all but vanished: if people are promoted based soley on their manipulative social skills, why would anyone want to subscribe to the old work ethic?
A Cynical Autopsy.......2001-02-23
Robert Jackall strings together a series of worse-case scenarios gleaned from a very limited control group of corporations. He skillfully manipulates language (e.g., calling loyalty to one's boss 'fealty') in order to deliver what he thinks is an indictment of bureaucracy. He does have some interesting things to say about the press, but this occurs near the end and comprises less than a page of material. Save your time. Read something worthwhile like Thomas Sowell's classic "A Conflict of Visions." Jackall's book is not worth the read.
Throughly depressing but an absolute must read.......1998-10-07
This book ought to be required reading for all MBA candidates and would be corporate middle managers as an intro into the sad and dysfunctional but real corporate world. In numerous scenes that will be instantly familiar to anyone who has worked at a Fortune 200 firm the book recounts numerous instances of failed and misdirected management. Depressing because it reveals the underbelly of corporate America and capitalism but readable in its accurate portrayal. Occasionally at times slow (particularly towards the end when he presumably is tired of writing) it does a clinical autopsy on management. Like watching a train wreck you are compelled to keep reading even as you realize the denouement. If you think that ignorance is bliss - give this a miss - on the other hand, if you are a frustrated idealist and need proof that in order for evil to overcome good, good only has to do nothing, it is worth the investment. An excellent primer on why we need ethics courses but more importantly ethical actions.
Amazon.com
As soon as you hear the conceit of this book--that there are two great opposing forces at work in the world today, border-crossing capitalism and splintering factionalism, and that they are the two biggest threats to democracy--you know it rings true enough to be worth reading. Although capitalism could have only grown to current levels in the soil of democracies, Benjamin Barber argues that global capitalism now tends to work against the very concept of citizenship, of people thinking for themselves and with their neighbors. Too often now, how we think is the product of a transnational corporation (increasingly, a media corporation) with headquarters elsewhere. And although self-determination is one of the most fundamental of democratic principles, unchecked it has lead to a tribalism (think Bosnia, think Rwanda) in which virtually no one besides the local power elite gets a fair shake. The antidote, Barber concludes, is to work everywhere to resuscitate the non-governmental, non-business spaces in life--he calls them "civic spaces" (such as the village green, voluntary associations of every sort, churches, community schools)--where true citizenship thrives.
Book Description
"An important new book."
--Newsweek
"Mr. Barber is. . . the first to put Jihad and McWorld together in an inescapable
dialectic . . . . [It] stands as a bold invitation to debate the broad contours and future of society."
--Barbara Ehrenreich
The New York Times Book Review
"COMPELLING. . . IMPRESSIVE. . . A thorough, engaging look at the current state of world affairs."
--The American Reporter
Jihad vs. McWorld is a groundbreaking work, an elegant and illuminating analysis of the central conflict of our times: consumerist capitalism versus religious and tribal fundamentalism. These diametrically opposed but strangely intertwined forces are tearing apart--and bringing together--the world as we know it, undermining democracy and the nation-state on which it depends. On the one hand, consumer capitalism on the global level is rapidly dissolving the social and economic barriers between nations, transforming the world's diverse populations into a blandly uniform market. On the other hand, ethnic, religious, and racial hatreds are fragmenting the political landscape into smaller and smaller tribal units. Jihad vs. McWorld is the term that distinguished writer and political scientist Benjamin R. Barber has coined to describe the powerful and paradoxical interdependence of these forces. In this important new book, he explores the alarming repercussions of this potent dialectic for democracy.
A work of persuasive originality and penetrating insight, Jihad vs. McWorld holds up a sharp, clear lens to the dangerous chaos of the post-Cold War world. Critics and political leaders have already heralded Benjamin R. Barber's work for its bold vision and moral courage. Jihad vs. McWorld is an essential text for anyone who wants to understand our troubled present and the crisis threatening our future.
"CHALLENGING AND INSTRUCTIVE."
--San Francisco Chronicle
"BARBER IS WELL WORTH READING. . . FOR AN INTRODUCTION TO THE REAL WORLD, LOOK AT JIHAD vs. McWORLD."
--The Nation
"STIMULATING, TARTLY WRITTEN."
--Publishers Weekly
Customer Reviews:
interesting, but a little preachy.......2007-06-30
First of all, the cover art has been changed. Originally, it was a relatively prosaic cover, full of logos of religious symbols, corporate logos, and military equipment. The picture of the burka-clad lady sipping a Pepsi was undoubtedbly added after 9/11, to capitalize on world events. But the text has not been changed or revised, as far as I can tell....
On to the content. Almost half of the book is taken up by a description of "McWorld" (i.e. the multinational, comsumerist culture that would have us all drinking a Coke, going to McDonalds, wearing Nikes, etc., possibly to the detriment of local culture). Nothing I haven't really heard or read before.
Next, the author tries to describe "Jihad". (As an aside, although I am not a Muslim, I do know that Jihad is a specific Islamic term roughly meaning "struggle", but actually meaning different kinds of struggles, of which the violence that we hear about in the West is only one). In the book, the term "Jihad" is used to mean any opposition to "McWorld", or perhaps modernity or other cultures in general. I'm not sure that's appropriate; maybe another term, such as "neotribalism" (which actually is used in a few places in the book) might be more useful? Only a relatively short chapter talks about religion at all; it mostly tries to compare the Christian right (and far-right) in the US with the Islamic extremists.
A couple of chapters go over the "failure" of post-Communist Russia and East Germany; another describes the effects of "McWorld" on China and Japan. Also described in several places is the intersection of "McWorld" and "Jihad"; as "Jihadists" use the products and technologies of "McWorld" ,not only to propagate their ideas, but also as products for everyday living. (Maybe the new cover with the burka-wearing woman enjoying a Pepsi is more appropriate than I thought at first!)
According to the book, neither "McWorld" nor "Jihad" is a replacement for democracy. There are a number of social goals that are not met by either. Further, the current system of nation-states is no match for the power of the multinational companies; some sort of supra-national, global, democratic institution with power comparable to that of multinational capitalism. (Actually getting to that point, however, would require imposing democratic ideals on countries and communities that are now decidedly anti-democratic--this is not a task done overnight).
What I didn't like is that the book overestimates the power of "McWorld", portraying the multinational corporations worrying that some third-world kid is drinking tea rather than a Coke. Like all stereotypes, there is a kernel of truth in it, but that doesn't make it any less of a stereotype. The author plays favorites; the word "jihad" appears nowhere in the several pages on Hollywood domination of the movie industry in France; yet, right-wing American evangelicals, (rightly or wrongly) questioning changing societal values get dumped on the "Jihad" heap with the neo-Nazis and Islamic terrorists. The FCC gets dinged for not forcing a radio station for keeping its classical format (although setting formats wasn't, and isn't, a function of the FCC to begin with). And so on.
Then there's the out-and-out fingerwagging; the aside on (American) slavery seems to lacks any real tie-in to the theme of "McWorld and Jihad", but more like the author coming out and telling us how we should think. This is true to a lesser extent of the "Bowling Alone"-type material in the "Global Democracy" chapter. (It's a big step from leaving one's comfortable suburban home and joining a bowling league with one's fellow suburbanites, and forming a global government with people halfway around the world who believe in who-knows-what!)
There are also a number of lists; media mergers and top films (relevant, since it shows the domination of multinational over local media) and energy use per country (less so, since equality of energy usage could theoretically be imposed by a non-democratic global system as well as by a democratic one).
To his credit, the author doesn't present "McWorld" as an evil conspiracy, but more like a natural market force that really ought to be checked by some theoretical one-world government. The "Jihad" side, however, is more of a minefield of the author's personal biases and "Things-That-Must-Be-Defended/Derided-At-All Costs".
The unity between religious fundamentalists and big business elites EXPOSED !.......2006-06-23
It's amazing how despite all the tragedies and wars, big business elitists are able to cash in on the damage while religious fundamentalists never get caught, much less held accountable. The idiots who show their hate of this book are from terrorist nations that have a knack of socializing poverty and terrorism while at the same time privatizing wealth. Despite all the big talk about winning the so-called war on terrorism, the ugly truth is wars have not taught us anything. If it weren't for Big Business funding Hitler, Hitler would have had a harder time killing the Jews. Sadly though, even after World War II ended, the Big Business elites that funded and continue to fund dictatorships like Hitler, Stalin, and the modern ones are not only not held accountable but often end up walking away as "heroes". If we're really going to win the war on terrorism and/or poverty, we're going to have to stop supporting big business elite and stop allowing our uber-corrupt politicians from exploiting peoples fears on terrorism even while maximizing poverty.
An Important but Very Flawed Work on Socio-Economics.......2006-04-03
I tried to embrace this book--I really did. It was tempting to want to have at last found a piece of academic writing that deftly encapsulates and explains this clash of titans: jihad and globalism. Barber's main title is, however, more tantalizing than explanatory. This book demonstrates the dangers of allegiance to dichotomies; there are other forces at work in society that grapple with the headline-stealing titans.
This is an important book at least insofar as it captures a growing sentiment among academics interested in the socio-economic forces that compel current events. It is not, therefore, an easy read for the layman (particularly the last part of the book) which is ironic given his call to grassroots citizen action.
Barber asserts--really insists with an uncomfortable brand of academic arrogance--in almost narrowly political overtones that the world is immersed in a battle of opposing ideologies: the corporate, amoral and homogenized one that really is without ideology and the local, or tribal, and rigidly moral and fragmented one that is part ideology, part myth-making.
Unfortunately, in his earnestness to construct and defend his convenient dichotomy, he conforms exceptions to his rule. The jihadists--whether ethnic hatemongers or terrorists--have for Barber retained some residue of moral dignity while the globalist--whether gullible, materialistic and indifferent consumers or manipulative, multinational executives--have altogether lost their moral compass.
His solution (which he fails to outline, thus making his work more of a polemic and manifesto rather than manual for change) is an activist citizenry fully appreciative of their need and ability to shore up the civil sector of modern societies. Here again Barber is remiss, revealing that writing from one's desk rather than the field has its limitations. He fails to acknowledge, for example, the extent to which the lack of a civic tradition in such nations as Russia and China impedes social progress of the sort he pines for. And the following further indicates his lack of awareness of Chinese cultural resiliency: "What is striking is that even here where a native culture might be thought to have its greatest chances against the children of the Western Enlightenment, McWorld seems irresistible."(190)
Aside from this concern, and his lack of concrete solutions and elusive, often inaccessible writing style, Barber tends to exaggerate the extent to which corporate influence is mitigated by both government and civic organizations, especially in the Western democracies. He is undeservedly far too pessimistic in this regard and fails to note the many ways in which a bygone American lacked a collective sense of civic duty. Moreover, his analysis is flawed, as I believe you will also discover, by his apparent aspirations to global citizenship. Nor, as other reviewers have noted, has he given due credit to the government and business sectors in creating a climate for a civic society to exist, must less flourish with some degree of autonomy. The symbolic assault on McDonald's is both tedious and unfair. While guilty of promoting unhealthy diets to some extent, it is a zealous stretch to accuse this and other multinationals of single handedly distorting the cultural landscape of developing nations. And even in the U.S., McDonald's has played a civic role via the Ronald McDonald House, it's management hiring practices and provisions for inner-city employment.
This book, perhaps like this review, could have been thought out more and condensed considerably. For a far better articulated review of this book see Gary Rosen's piece online from the journal First Things.
Provactative but lacking in substance........2006-03-10
I read Barber's book in 1995, shortly after my return from my dissertation research in Indonesia. I was dismayed but what were clear errors in Barber's treatment of Indonesia. He talks about the marketing succes of Coke to sell the sweet syrupy beverage as a substitute to the more "native" tea. What he fails to see is for many if not most ethnic groups of Indonesia tea is served very sweet -- with what I hyperbolically refer to as "equal parts sugar and water." He also bemoan Indonesians taking up blue jeans in favor of saris. Saris? I know of no Indonesians who wear saris -- this is a garment better associated with India. Ok, I know these are perhaps trifiling errors. However, Barbers evidence is composed exclusively of little vignettes and reference like this. I do not know of the accuracy of his specific examples for other countries. However, if the problem he has with understanding the basic facts of Indonesian culture are replicated through all his examples, the argument he tries to support by them must be suspect.
That said, I found the book intriguing. I find the proposition that either the world will become a huge pave parking lot full of McDonald's Hard Rock Cafe's, and discos pumping MTV or it will be torn apart by attempts to assert local identity ludicrous. This idea of Barber's inspired me to write an article specificaly examine McDonald's in the Indonesian cultural landscape. In many important ways, McDonald's Indonesia is more Indonesian than it is anything else. And, it actively seeks to be so.
It came out shortly after the time I had Samual Huntington's Foreign Affairs article "The Clash of Civilizations" pointed out to me by my Indonesian Muslim interlocutors. I find Barber's argument interesting in regard to the Clash of Civilizations debate. Barber does not deal with either Bernard Lewis (who coined "Clash of Civilizations" or Huntington (who popularized it). However, I find in his work, the important corrective that the clash is not limited to Muslims but to all efforts to oppose global capitalism by emphasizing local identity. Also to the degree that there is such a clash, Barber's book can supply an understanding of its mechanism. Again, this was not Barber's point, but it can be drawn from his book.
With my critiques of this book, you might think that I discarded it shortly after reading it. I still have my original copy. I think that the book will make the reader think and if readers actually do that rather than accept it as gospel, then the book is very much worth the read. In fact, I will be assigning it as a test in course I will teach in the Fall of 2006.
Ron Lukens-Bull, PhD
Associate Professor of Anthropology
University of North Florida
McJihad vs. Reality.......2006-02-09
This book is inexplicably influential, probably due to its catchy but ultimately meaningless title. Barber fails to convincingly analyze an interesting thesis, instead delivering an exasperating 300 page-long list of every single thing on Earth that he disagrees with. Barber contends that natural human political behavior results in smaller and smaller ethnic enclaves trying to separate themselves from the larger world, while unchecked global capitalism is erasing ethnic flavor with bowdlerized mass-culture sameness. Interestingly, Barber contends that these two contrary movements are actually in an unholy alliance, using each other's excesses as excuses for their anti-democratic behavior. That is a fascinating thesis, which makes the weaknesses of this book all the more infuriating.
The first part of the book is an interminable tirade of lists within lists, of cultural trends that Barber disdains, in an avalanche of complaints that is not analytical but merely selective and arbitrary. It's all tied together with attempts at "edgy" pop culture references, made-up terminology (like the annoying "infotainment telesector"), and pseudo-intellectual quotations and namedropping. All is lumped together unconvincingly under the anemic term "McWorld," which is so vague and all-inclusive as to become meaningless. In his never-ending examples of how recent cultural trends are damaging the freedom and intelligence of the masses, Barber merely comes across as a condescending snob who thinks his own interests are superior, or a curmudgeon who thinks everything was better back in the good old days, or both. In the second part of the book, Barber proceeds to throw obtuse political science theories at various world hotspots, in which tribalism and separatism are damaging the integrity of nation-states. His umbrella term for this phenomenon is the dangerously loaded term "Jihad." Note that this book was published back in 1995, so that word was not as prevalent in Western discourse as it is now, but Barber still uses the term as a loose descriptor which is likely to offend both devout Muslims and ardent anti-Islamists.
When it comes to the specifics, many reviews here and elsewhere list out the numerous flaws in Barber's arguments, and there are so many of them that a lot of reviews are necessary for the task. You can agree or disagree with various critiques of Barber's contentions based on your own personal politics. But everyone will probably conclude that in this book's final section he does not deliver on the ironic implications of his initially intriguing thesis (embodied in the book's title), and simply forwards borrowed theories on civil society and the public sector. Overall, this book is mostly the longwinded grumblings of a nostalgic know-it-all who portentously predicts doom for every single cultural and political reality of the modern world. [~doomsdayer520~]
Book Description
For the last thirty years, Doug Schoen has been one of the most innovative people in Democratic politics, working behind the scenes as a political strategist for some of the world's most influential and respected politicians.
In The Power of the Vote, Schoen offers a never–before–seen glimpse inside his most pivotal campaigns, illustrating how a kid whose political career began leafleting on New York's Upper West Side became a force that revolutionized the American political process. From the legendary New York City mayoral race of 1977 where he helped Ed Koch claim the throne of New York to his twenty years efforts to modernize Israeli politics to Bill Clinton's reelection campaign in 1996, Schoen takes the reader through the international political landscape of the last thirty years, demonstrating how politics have evolved and how he has utilized the latest technology to help candidates win the hearts and minds of the public.
In addition, Schoen also details his valiant, decade–long struggle to unseat Slobodan Milosevic not with cluster bombs and air power but through diligent campaign strategy and sophisticated polling. Revealing intimate, firsthand details about the ten–year struggle in Serbia, he demonstrates that much of the conflict could have been avoided through United States support of the Serbian political process, while discussing how the most effective nation building comes not with bombs but with ballot boxes.
Despite these successes, it is in his efforts with President Bill Clinton during the mid–1990s that Schoen finds his most important and ultimately successful work. Helping to reshape President Cl
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