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Palestine In Crisis
Graham Usher
Manufacturer: Pluto Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0745309690 |
Book Description
Although it seems almost incredible today, the United States had relatively little interest in the Middle East before 1945. But the dynamics and outcome of World War II elevated the importance of the Middle East in the American mind, and the United States has viewed the region with vital interest to its security and economy ever since.
The projection of American power into the region has had consequences that have forever changed the United States and the Middle East, with the rise of al Qaeda and the turbulent occupation of Iraq being the latest examples. Crisis and Crossfire surveys and analyzes the broad contours of U.S. involvement in the region. It probes the reasons why the United States implemented various policies and assesses the wisdom of American leaders as they accepted greater responsibilities for preserving stability and security in the Middle East. Major themes include U.S.-Middle East policy in the context of the Cold War, the rise of Arab and Iranian nationalism, decolonization, the U.S. approach to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the politics of Western dependence on Middle Eastern oil, and America’s military interventions, particularly its two wars against Iraq. This book’s concise narrative and selection of primary-source documents make it an ideal introduction to U.S.-Middle East relations for students and for anyone with an interest in understanding the history behind today’s events.
Customer Reviews:
US-Middle East relations: 1945-current.......2006-03-13
Peter L. Hahn's CRISIS AND CROSSFIRE: THE UNITED STATES AND THE MIDDLE EAST SINCE 1945 joins the 'Issues in the History of American Foreign Relations' studies in examining the history of U.S. encounters with the Middle East since 1945. Primary-source documents serve as the foundation of a survey of intentions, politics, diplomacy, and underlying influences on encounters in a text perfect for classroom adaptation.
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The crisis game;: Simulating international conflict
Sidney F Giffin
Manufacturer: DoubleDay
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Unknown Binding
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ASIN: B0007DMKXU |
Book Description
The narrative of Cyprus' recent history has created numerous attitudes and prejudices which run deep but which have never before been explored on a human level. Now for the first time Yiannis Papadakis, firmly planted in the Greek Cypriot world, sets out to discover "The Other"-- the much maligned Turks. Papadakis delves into the two communities, locked in their mutually contemptuous embrace, to explore their common humanity and to understand what has divided them.
Customer Reviews:
+The deepest book I ever read about Turkish-Greek relations.......2007-04-24
Just genious. Combines personnal style with scientific authority. Deconstructs all nationalistic, religious mythologies and shows that beyond all identities (muslim, christian,greek,turkish) are real human beings, with real lives and real sufferings.
One of the most important contributions to the construction of peace in Cyprus and between Turkey and Greece.
The most engaging book I've read on the Cyprus situation........2006-02-27
I've read quite deeply on the Cyprus affair, and this book really drew me in. Though it does go into some of the history and politics of the situation, it is not a dry account written in an academic tone. The author, a Greek Cypriot, forces himself to listen to the perspectives of Turkish Cypriots and Mainland Turks, and he finds himself in a dead zone of identities as he is slowly distrusted by his own Greek Cypriot community, at least by those who identify more with their "Greekness" than their "Cypriotness." There are lots of first-hand accounts of conversations with nationalists from both sides, and people in both communities who see themselves first and foremost as Cypriot.
The author tries really hard to be objective, and given the scope of the Cyprus problem, does a good job. I read this while also looking over Hannay's book on Cyprus, "The Search for a Solution," and I found the book by Papadakis to be much more exciting. He is now at the University of Cyprus.
Book Description
By drawing upon hitherto unpublished transcripts of his telephone conversations during the Yom Kippur War (1973) and the last days of the Vietnam War (1975), Henry Kissinger reveals what goes on behind the scenes at the highest levels in a diplomatic crisis.
The two major foreign policy crises in this book, one successfully negotiated, one that ended tragically, were unique in that they moved so fast that much of the work on them had to be handled by telephone.
The longer of the two sections deals in detail with the Yom Kippur War and is full of revelations, as well as great relevancy: In Kissinger's conversations with Golda Meir, Israeli Prime Minister; Simcha Dinitz, Israeli ambassador to the U.S.; Mohamed el-Zayyat, the Egyptian Foreign Minister; Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet Ambassador to the U.S.; Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary General of the U.N.; and a host of others, as well as with President Nixon, many of the main elements of the current problems in the Middle East can be seen.
The section on the end of the Vietnam War is a tragic drama, as Kissinger tries to help his president and a divided nation through the final moments of a lost war. It is full of astonishing material, such as Kissinger's trying to secure the evacuation of a Marine company which, at the very last minute, is discovered to still be in Saigon as the city is about to fall, and his exchanges with Ambassador Martin in Saigon, who is reluctant to leave his embassy.
This is a book that presents perhaps the best record of the inner workings of diplomacy at the superheated pace and tension of real crisis.
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"By drawing upon hitherto unpublished transcripts of his telephone conversations during the Yom Kippur War (1973) and the last days of the Vietnam War (1975), Henry Kissinger reveals what goes on behind the scenes at the highest levels in a diplomatic crisis. The two major foreign policy crises in this book, one successfully negotiated, one that ended tragically, were unique in that they moved so fast that much of the work on them had to be handled by telephone. The longer of the two sections deals in detail with the Yom Kippur War and is full of revelations, as well as great relevancy: In Kissinger's conversations with Golda Meir, Israeli Prime Minister; Simcha Dinitz, Israeli ambassador to the U.S.; Mohamed el-Zayyat, the Egyptian Foreign Minister; Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet Ambassador to the U.S.; Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary General of the U.N.; and a host of others, as well as with President Nixon, many of the main elements of the current problems in the Middle East can be seen. The section on the end of the Vietnam War is a tragic drama, as Kissinger tries to help his president and a divided nation through the final moments of a lost war. It is full of astonishing material, such as Kissinger's trying to secure the evacuation of a Marine company which, at the very last minute, is discovered to still be in Saigon as the city is about to fall, and his exchanges with Ambassador Martin in Saigon, who is reluctant to leave his embassy. This is a book that presents perhaps the best record of the inner workings of diplomacy at the superheated pace and tension of real crisis. "
Customer Reviews:
Kissinger is an Icon of Foreign Policy.......2004-03-14
The book spells out how once again Liberals/Democrats are isolationist and defeatist. And putting two and two together we see the direct correlation between issues Kissinger faced in dealing with a Democratic congress, and with the problems Reagan faced in Nicaragua (with a Democratic congress voting funds for the Contras one year and taking them away the next), and the Clinton years.
Clinton, who is ultimately responsible for 9-11, and the malaise with which foreign policy was conducted in the 90's.
Yes, we certainly could have used a Kissinger or even a hawk like JFK or FDR during the 90's. Unfortunately, Kerry appears to be more like Clinton, weak on foreign policy, a UN suck up,and a lap dog for the European powers.
You can begin weeping for this nation now, if Kerry is elected over George Bush... clearly a green light for terrorist to attack our soil with impunity.
Specific to Kissinger's section on Vietnam.......2003-12-27
Anyone who has read Kissinger extensively could predict what he would be saying in this book, and he did not disappoint. The same old story of the failure of the democrats, in the House and Senate, from 1973 until the Fall of Saigon, to provide the necessary resources, as Kissinger articulates them (primarily dollars), to support the South Vietnamese government and their American allies. What Kissinger does not address, nor has he in the volumes that he has written about himself, is the fact that Kissinger, the CIA, many of the diplomats on the ground in Saigon, as well as key members of the administration knew that the context of the war, in the "waning days" had dramatically changed. Through ports in Hanoi and Haiphong, the Russians provided the North Vietnamese Army(NVA) with sufficient military resources to support a massive build-up - in the form of artillery and armor - to ensure an NVA military victory. All the dollars Kissinger and the administration blamed the democrats for failing to appropriate, in order to shore up the Saigon government, would not have affected the war's outcome because the NVA had decided on a military victory and prepared for it. How, then, would increased dollars, given the American mood and cyncism of the time, from the democratically controlled Congress, made any difference, given the NVA military initiative? Kissinger reinforces his previously stated analyses, with more self-serving bias, as predicted.
Kissinger uses the method of transcribed telephone conversations to drive certain other points home -points to support a favorable image. When one reads a response to a Kissinger question, from Ambassador Martin, for example, the reader cannot deduce what Ambassador Martin really was thinking about the Kissinger question or even the man. The "response" is not telling. While admittedly, Kissinger and Ambassador Martin shared the same principles, for many reason, Martin was often sketpical of the arrogant, aloof Harvard professor.
Dennis W. Hallinan
Peninsula, Ohio
evaluation_dwh@yahoo.com
Kissinger shows his incompetance once again.......2003-11-01
I don't know why I try to stomach reading books from a war criminal. I suppose we all must read and listen to the criminal mind so that we can understand why they become such monsters. I've read Hitler, Stalin, and Kissinger (and the rest). Don't buy this book...instead find yourself a copy of the book or documentary called "The Trial of Henry Kissinger".
Disappointing.......2003-10-29
After reading this book, the question looms large as to why Dr. Kissinger bothered to "write" it. It is essentially a selected collection of phone logs between Dr. Kissinger and his cohorts during the Yom Kippur War and the last days of the Vietnam War. If you are halfway interested in politics and history, there is nothing in this book that you don't already know, other than being able to glean through the actual words spoken by the policy makers of the time - what was "behind the scenes" was not startlingly different than what was on the TV screen.
I am disappointed with this book, not least because I am much impressed by Dr. Kissinger's other work, especially his defining tome: Diplomacy.
I am thankful for the tip given by the previous reviewer from Amsterdam, pointing out where to get the declassified information from the NSA. He was right. The account (of the Yom Kippur War) from the declassified NSA documents was more succinct, balanced and overall more informative.
Student of American foreign policy since 1960.......2003-10-08
Kissinger has done another book which reveals far less than was discussed in the contemporary press. His accounts are mainly inane and trivial. The transcripts on Vietnam are almost wholly on the evacuation of April 1975 and trivial details, well known. As for the Yom Kippur war, the National Security Archives has released crucial declassified documents and they are free at
http://www.nsarchive.org/NSAEBB/NSAEBB98. They are much more important and insightful than this exceedinly lame production.
Book Description
This edited collection offers a comprehensive examination of theory, research, and practice in crisis (hostage) negotiation from the perspectives of communication, law enforcement, psychology, sociology, and criminology. The volume identifies promising conceptual frameworks for the development of research on crisis negotiation. This book is also useful to crisis negotiation trainers and leaders in law enforcement who are searching for insight beyond anecdotal stories and who recognize the need for more rigorous application of behavioral science to the practice of crisis negotiation.
Customer Reviews:
A Factual Account.......2005-08-18
After having been kidnapped and held hostage by early Al qeada operatives in 1992 just after the fall of Communism in Russia, I can relate to the negotiation tactics relayed in this book.
An intelligent, factual and fascinating read.
-Yvonne Bornstein, Author, Eleven Days Of Hell
Dynamic Processes of Crisis Negotiayions.......2000-07-14
Recommended to me by Major Bob Beach, Director of the Fairfax County Criminal Justice Academy in Virginia. Great book if you're interested in this field, or are already in it and want to hone your skills. At only 17, I feel this book will be very helpful to me in a future I hope consists of a career as an Alaska State Trooper. It may be a little heavy, but dig in and hang on for the long haul. GOOD LUCK!
Book Description
Who Intervenes? takes as a given that there are tensions among ethnic groups throughout the world. But it is not at all clear when and why these tensions escalate into violence. The likelihood and character of intervention depend upon the interplay of two factors: ethnic composition and institutional constraint. A fourfold typology is produced. For example, states with high constraints and ethnic diversity are likely to intervene only for reasons related to national interests, while states with both ethnic dominance and low constraint are most disposed to intervene. The disposition to intervene is catalyzed, the authors hypothesize, by the presence of ethnic affinity and cleavage.
The book includes a comparative analysis of five case studies: India and Sri Lanka, Somalia and Ethiopia, Malaysia and the Thai Malay (a non-intervention), the immediate aftermath of the breakup of Yugoslavia, and Greece and Turkey with Cyprus. The case histories produce strong support for the relevance of the typology and catalysts. Ethnic composition, institutional constraint, and ethnic affinity and cleavage are very useful factors in distinguishing both the likelihood and form of intervention.
Policies that encourage institutional reform and support ethnic diversity can be expected to reduce the likelihood and even the perceived need for intervention.
Book Description
Erlich explains how the U.S. planned to subvert the Iranian government and then lied about it to the American people. In addition to covering the political story, the author offers firsthand insights into Irans population, domestic politics, and popular culture.
Customer Reviews:
The Real Story.......2007-10-08
Journalist Reese Erlich grew up in Los Angeles just south of UCLA. As a child he used to walk up Westwood Boulevard toward Westwood village, past a stockbroker's office and the Crest movie theater. At the time there was no Tehrangeles. The Westwood legal offices I visited last year to fix my Iranian passport mess used to house the ultra-right-wing John Birch Society. As an aborigine of sorts, Erlich has no grievances against the Iranians who have colonized the Westwood of his childhood. On the contrary, he seems to delight in the cultural upgrade. His latest book, The Iran Agenda: the real story of U.S. policy and the Middle East crisis, should however give the American reader a nostalgic lump in the throat. Not because of old memories of a neighborhood now transformed; but because this seasoned journalist writes in a tradition now mostly abandoned by the US media. Trustworthiness.
Erlich identifies his sources by name, and gives references which independently corroborate his statements. By contrast the average American's perception of Iran has been largely defined by "unidentified sources." The Iran Agenda begins in the real Tehran bazaar where Erlich--along with actor Sean Penn and columnist Norman Solomon--had put their journalistic "boots on the ground" to report on the Iran situation. Erlich mentions other American reporters in Iran, but he observes, "Most American reporters I met saw Iran as an evil society and a danger to the United States. While many expressed disagreement with President Bush's policies, they believed Iran was developing nuclear weapons that threatened America. In short, their views tracked the political consensus emanating from Washington. Rather than proceeding from reality, they filtered their reporting through a Washington lens. When a Washington official makes a statement, even a false one, the major media dutifully report it with few opposing sources."
Of course this is not news to we Iranians. The value of The Iran Agenda is its usefulness as a tool of argument in discussions with curious Americans who ask us to be their tour guides on the Iran subject. Most educated Iranians carry an overall knowledge of the Iran-US quarrel, from Mossadegh's overthow, to the hostage crisis, to the US Navy's shooting down an Iran Air passenger jet. The Iran-Iraq war, NPT, human rights violations, student protests, worker's union discontent, Ganji, Ebadi, Ossanlou, are all swimming somewhere in our data base. But it takes a professional like Erlich to organize these floating facts into an engaging story with a strong moral. To undo years of skilful propaganda, equal skill is needed. And Erlich is certainly a talented story teller.
While he informs us that the Kurdish PJAK guerrillas are funded by the US and Israel, Erlich simultaneously evokes a feeling of action and travel reminiscent of the colorful adventures of Tintin:
"The PJAK camps are located in inhospitable terrain. During winter months, the snowy roads are accessible only on foot or by tractor. Luckily the snow hadn't yet blanketed the area, and we drove up easily--if slowly--over winding dirt roads. Suddenly, young women in green pants in the distinctive Kurdish head scarf were walking along the road. They were female guerrillas. PJAK claims its troops are almost 50 percent women."
Erlich's very brief history of the Kurds updated me on some interesting statistics. For example, I was under the impression that Kurds were mostly Sunnis. This is true in general, but in Iran 50% of this minority is Shiite. This figure makes a difference in my thinking on the Kurdish issue.
Erlich goes on to remind his readers of other ethnic minorities, the Azeri, Baluchi and Arab Iranians, who could destabilize the Iranian regime. Little of this is intelligently discussed in the US media. For obvious reasons even the Iranian media tend to keep the lid on news of ethnic unrest.
Not all of Erlich's criticism targets mainstream media. He has harsh words of advice for Iran's exile media in his native Westwood backyard. He mentions Amir Taheri's infamous false report about a Majils law requiring Iranian Jews to wear a yellow stripe on their clothing. "With each phony or exaggerated story," Erlich warns, "the LA newscasters and commentators [who continued to play the story long after it was falsified] think they are helping the popular struggle against the Iranian government. But repeated over time, the distortions discredit the exile media and, by extension, all exile opposition." Erlich describes another, bitterly funny incident--the Hakha affair-- as being "something right out of the Keystone Kops." I can't find a web link that explains this fiasco nearly as well as Erlich's narrative.
Clarifying his own agenda in writing The Iran Agenda, Erlich says, "...I personally don't trust mainstream politicians, lobbyists, and think tank gurus to resolve anything soon. Nor do I trust the clerics in Tehran to stop their belligerence. A pro-peace, pro-democracy movement exists within Iran. I think people in the United States need to build one as well." It seems Westwood had earthy, smart people long before Iranians arrived.
A theocratic democracy?.......2007-09-20
A theocratic democracy? by Tim Redmond, Thursday September 20, 2007, San
Francisco Bay Guardian Online.
My old friend Reese Erlich is remarkably optimistic about Iran, which is a pleasant perspective. I'm glad somebody is.
In his insightful, if sometimes choppy, new book, The Iran Agenda: The Real Story of U.S. Policy and the Middle East Crisis, he offers an alternative view of a nation and a culture that has been either ignored or demonized by the mainstream press for more than 30 years. His basic thesis -- that US policy toward Tehran is moronic, driven by foolish politics, bad information, and greedy geopolitical aims -- is hard to dispute. His subtext -- that there's real hope for democracy in Iran -- is a bit of a tougher sell.
Erlich has done what few US journalists ever do: he's visited Iran, repeatedly, and taken the time to meet not just with government officials and activists but with ordinary Iranians. Almost across the board, they condemn the United States and support the Islamic state.
We're presented with "liberal" politicians -- which might be a bit of a stretch -- and radical activists, including Marxists, who offer a vision of a democratic Iran. Me, I'm dubious about any hope for theocratic democracy; as a proud atheist, I think that separation of church and state -- strict, inviolable separation -- is essential for any functioning democracy.
But Erlich's willing to give other cultures and ways of thinking a break, which is one of the main reasons he's such a good reporter. And in The Iran Agenda he presents a picture of a nation far more complex than the caricatures we've seen depicted by the administration and the evening news.
That's the real value of this book: you get a sense from a veteran journalist of what you've been missing all these years. Erlich tries to sort out the ethnic geopolitics of Iran and explain which groups are aligned with whom (and why the United States supports some of them). It's all somewhat dizzying, but that's part of the point. This situation is more complicated than most American opinion makers are willing to admit.
And for all that, it's a good read.
Book Description
Since the breakdown of the Oslo peace process in 2000 and the beginning of the second Intifada, conflict has escalated in Israel/Palestine and come to seem irreversible. The overwhelming power of the Israeli military has been unleashed against a largely defenseless population in the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza, driving Palestinians to despair and to desperate measures of retaliation. The author of this book, Michel Warschawski, has for many decades been active in building alliances of Jews and Palestinians to oppose the Israeli occupation. In this book, however, he focuses especially on the effects of the occupation on the occupiers—that is, on Israeli society—rather than its victims.
Warschawski describes the atrocities of the occupation—from the sack of Ramallah to the massacre in Jenin, the razing of houses and refugee camps, shooting at ambulances and hospitals, the use of Palestinian civilians as human shields—showing how each of these pushes back the boundaries of what was previously thinkable. He documents the resulting shifts in Israeli political thought, citing Ariel Sharon, army officers and even rabbis who begin by describing Palestinians as Nazis and end by relying on the German army's tactics for subjugating the Warsaw ghetto.
Toward an Open Tomb seeks to explain the forces within Israeli society and culture that are leading to this self-defeating result.
Warschawski has the keen eye of an Israeli insider. He develops a powerful critique of Israeli policies with a persuasive power drawn from his own Jewish origins and his deepening devotion to Jewish traditions.
Customer Reviews:
Warschawski explains Israel's national psychosis.......2006-07-25
This book is as frightening as it is clarifying. It seems that the government of Israel has gone mad and that it has infected the citizenry and the entire social and civic fabric of Israeli society. With no respect for law, with no recognition of rights, with pathological hatred of non-Jews and paranoia that is all-encompassing, the state of Israel is heading for a bottomless pit.
The recent barbaric invasion and destruction of Lebanon, a sovereign nation, is the work of people who have lost control and are working strictly on "lizard brain" impulses. Anyone can see that this deliberate destruction of a nation's infrastructure and the slaughter of its people is not "self defense" but the crazed lashing out of a wild beast with its back to the wall. The trouble is that Israel has created this situation by treating the Palestinians and other Arab peoples in the region like subhumans while stealing their land and water. Israel cannot exist, it believes, unless there is constant war against its immediate neighbors.
Warschawski makes the history and current events very clear, indeed.
Sharp and Insightful.......2005-04-21
Michel Warschawski has really achieved something with this book, I think. A harsh critique of Israeli society, the book manages to pack a lot into a small number of pages. Furthermore, Warschawski manages to mix up the format very effectively, giving the book a very alive feeling. In addition, despite certain flaws, Warschawski's thesis -- that the assassination of Rabin was a turning point in which the Israeli left refused to confront the extreme right, priveleging "national unity" over peace and progress -- is compelling. I can easily say that this book had an impact on me that few others have.
Hard core demonization.......2005-03-06
Michael Warschawski claims that some Israelis actually see the present Arab cult of dying to kill Jews as similar to the German National Socialist cult of the 1930s and 1940s. Well, he's right. Some Israelis do see some similarities. And so do I.
Of course, the author implies that it is evil to think such thoughts. He's entitled to his opinion. If he wants, he can say that "racism and violence have always been in Israeli culture." Matter of fact, he wrote exactly that. That's a very misleading thing to write, but it seems that people can say anything, and this book proves it.
The author says that the symbol of Israel is the bulldozer. Not to me. I might pick some nice, drip-irrigated fields. And he does discuss the use of a National Socialist "vocabulary," not by the Arab terrorists, but by the Israelis.
Still, if the Israelis are not good enough for him, who is? Surely nations in general are, on the average, worse than Israel. What solution does that imply? I think it would have been fair for him to explain that we humans have made a huge number of species extinct, but that only one more species has to go to end the slaughter. That would have put his views into perspective.
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Limited Conflict Under the Nuclear Umbrella: Indian and Pakistani Lessons from the Kargil Crisis (2001)
Arthur J Tellis
Manufacturer: RAND Corporation
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Binding: Paperback
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ASIN: 0833031015 |
Book Description
This report examines the views of India and Pakistan on the significance ofPakistan1s foray into the Kargil-Dras sector in a limited war that has cometo be known as the "Kargil conflict." The goal of the analysis is to assessboth combatants1 perceptions of the crisis, with a view to evaluating thepossibilities of future Kargil-like events and the implications of thelessons each country learned for stability in South Asia. The analysis isbased almost exclusively on Indian and Pakistani source materials.The Kargil crisis demonstrated that even the presence of nuclear weaponsmight not appreciably dampen security competition between the region1slargest states. However, the question remains of whether or not the Kargilwar represents a foretaste of future episodes of attempted nuclear coercionif India and Pakistan believe that their nuclear capabilities provide themthe immunity required to prosecute a range of military operations short ofall-out war.
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This report examines the views of India and Pakistan on the significance ofPakistan's foray into the Kargil-Dras sector in a limited war that has cometo be known as the Kargil conflict. The goal of the analysis is to assessboth combatants' perceptions of the crisis, with a view to evaluating thepossibilities of future Kargil-like events and the implications of thelessons each country learned for stability in South Asia. The analysis isbased almost exclusively on Indian and Pakistani source materials.The Kargil crisis demonstrated that even the presence of nuclear weaponsmight not appreciably dampen security competition between the region's largest states. However, the question remains of whether or not the Kargilwar represents a foretaste of future episodes of attempted nuclear coercionif India and Pakistan believe that their nuclear capabilities provide themthe immunity required to prosecute a range of military operations short ofall-out war.
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- Pensees and Other Writings (Oxford World's Classics)
- Piety and Politics: Imaging Divine Kingship in Louis Xiv's Chapel at Versailles (University of Delaware Studies in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Art and Culture)
- Planet India: How the Fastest Growing Democracy Is Transforming America and the World
- Prescription for Nutritional Healing, 4th Edition: A Practical A-to-Z Reference to Drug-Free Remedies Using Vitamins, Minerals, Herbs & Food Supplements ... A-To-Z Reference to Drug-Free Remedies)
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- Reeducation in Postwar Vietnam: Personal Postscripts to Peace (Texas a & M University Military History Series)
- Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict With a New Introduction by the Author
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