Book Description
National Security for a New Erais the first book to offer a comprehensive examination of American national security policy since the events of 9/11 galvanized change. It starts from the premise that there have been two fundamental âfault linesâ in national security policy during the last two decades: the end of the Cold War and the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Each transformed security policy: the end of the Cold War ushered in the era of globalization for the 1990s, and 9/11 initiated a shift to a more traditional geopolitical view of the world for the first decade of the new century. The text attempts to place these traumatic events into the context of the prior American experience of the Cold War, traditional concerns over American interests, politics, and military problems, and to extend that experience into the future. Asymmetrical warfare, the Iraq war precedent, the neo-conservative challenge, state building, and the future reconciliation of globalization and geopolitics are all examined.
Book Description
WORLD POLITICS IN A NEW ERA provides a basic overview of international relations, providing a strong historical foundation coupled with the integration of current issues and a cohesive theme of globalization and fragmentation. Completely reorganized in the Third Edition to cover theoretical issues in the beginning, highlight the importance of political economy, then spotlight both historical and current global issues in the latter half, the book aims to give students context to better grasp the numerous issues in world politics today. In addition, a powerful new pedagogical program and research tools built into the book and its package, including Infotrac and a CD and International Relations Resource Center on the web, WORLD POLITICS IN A NEW ERA is a book both instructors and students appreciate for its reliability, flexibility, and readability.
Customer Reviews:
A Must Read........2000-03-13
Unlike most other college textbooks, Spiegel's book treats the student of IR with respect and dignity. If it weren't for this work, my international relations coursework would have been a complete waste of time. Let's get Spiegel out there training his fellow colleagues on how to teach IR with passion and deep insight. Should be required reading in universities across the country and, indeed, the world.
Book Description
Since its publication twenty-five years ago, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men has been recognized as a classic, an indispensable contribution to our understanding of the causes of the American Civil War. A key work in establishing political ideology as a major concern of modern American historians, it remains the only full-scale evaluation of the ideas of the early Republican party. Now with a new introduction, Eric Foner puts his argument into the context of contemporary scholarship, reassessing the concept of free labor in the light of the last twenty-five years of writing on such issues as work, gender, economic change, and political thought. A significant reevaluation of the causes of the Civil War, Foner's study looks beyond the North's opposition to slavery and its emphasis upon preserving the Union to determine the broader grounds of its willingness to undertake a war against the South in 1861. Its search is for those social concepts the North accepted as vital to its way of life, finding these concepts most clearly expressed in the ideology of the growing Republican party in the decade before the war's start. Through a careful analysis of the attitudes of leading factions in the party's formation (northern Whigs, former Democrats, and political abolitionists) Foner is able to show what each contributed to Republican ideology. He also shows how northern ideas of human rights--in particular a man's right to work where and how he wanted, and to accumulate property in his own name--and the goals of American society were implicit in that ideology. This was the ideology that permeated the North in the period directly before the Civil War, led to the election of Abraham Lincoln, and led, almost immediately, to the Civil War itself. At the heart of the controversy over the extension of slavery, he argues, is the issue of whether the northern or southern form of society would take root in the West, whose development would determine the nation's destiny. In his new introductory essay, Foner presents a greatly altered view of the subject. Only entrepreneurs and farmers were actually "free men" in the sense used in the ideology of the period. Actually, by the time the Civil War was initiated, half the workers in the North were wage-earners, not independent workers. And this did not account for women and blacks, who had little freedom in choosing what work they did. He goes onto show that even after the Civil War these guarantees for "free soil, free labor, free men" did not really apply for most Americans, and especially not for blacks. Demonstrating the profoundly successful fusion of value and interest within Republican ideology prior to the Civil War, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men remains a classic of modern American historical writing. Eloquent and influential, it shows how this ideology provided the moral consensus which allowed the North, for the first time in history, to mobilize an entire society in modern warfare.
Customer Reviews:
Early Republican Revolution.......2007-09-22
IT IS HARD TO FIND A BETTER HISTORIAN OF THE 19TH CENTURY THAN ERIC FONER. THIS BOOK HIGHLIGHTS THE MOST INETERESTING EVENTS IN THE MOST INTERESTING PERIOD OF AMERICAN HISTORY. ERIC FONER BRINGS THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CONTAINMENT AND ABOLITION OF SLAVERY TO LIFE IN THIS WELL WRITTEN AND SUPERBLY RESEARCHED WORK. IF YOU ARE INTERESTED IN THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND ANTEBELLUM AMERICA YOU NEED THIS BOOK.
IN THE HEROIC AGE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.......2007-09-01
In the year 2007 it is quite easy to dismiss the American Republican Party of one George Bush and his cabal out of hand as a gang of yahoos and incompetents. And one, frankly, would be right in those characterizations. But the book under review tells a tale of a different Republican Party, a party forged among other things in the crucible of the battle against slavery in the immediate pre-Civil War period. That party of Lincoln (although he was ultimately merely the most famous of an outstanding group of men who forged that party) was one that modern leftists can proudly claim as our own. Karl Marx was not wrong in his appreciation of Lincoln and of the Republican Party in its struggle against slavery and for the unification of the country. Eric Foner tells the story of how all of the forces finally coalesced in 1956 to create that party and of its success in 1860.
A number of commentators, including this writer, have over the years argued that a political realignment and separation of the various political tendencies in this country is long, too long overdue. What others mean by that realignment I will leave to them. For myself, I make no bones that we need a workers party to directly represent the political interests of the working masses and their allies. On the other side some argue that America has always been, more or less, well served by the two-party system. And that is really my point. In the period from about 1840 to that decisive 1860 election there was the kind of turmoil that created the necessary realignment of that two- party system. The old two- party system just could not hold the forces that were splitting the country. In the end the formerly powerful Whig Party and vital parts of the Northern Democratic Party went down with barely a whimper. The Republican Party gathered together all those forces that were interested in ending slavery and creating a unified, efficient capitalist system. That in the end it all turned to dross in a fairly short time after the Civil War does not take away from the grandeur of the effort and its necessity.
I would point out to readers that Professor Foner does a very credible job of showing the numerous and sometimes counterposed strategies that the various anti-slavery forces from the Garrisonians to the Free Soil Party supporters put forth. He also pays attention to the various forces, including the little studied Liberty and Free Soil parties, the Barnburner Democrats, Conscience Whigs and others who coalesced in the Republican Party. He also details the strategies of the conservative elements that would latter dominate the post-war Republican party as well as the strain of nativism (exemplified by the explosive, if short-lived, development of the Know-Nothing party) that one can still see in that party today on the immigration question. In all, this is a well-researched and footnoted academic work that can serve a as jumping off point for making our arguments today for that desperately needed realignment of American politics.
The Significance of Republican Ideology.......2002-11-17
The Civil War era is surely one of the most complex, controversial, and tumultuous periods in our nation's history and one of the most difficult to capture. "Free Soil, Free Labor, ..." is a sterling effort to provide insight into the social philosophies of the time that almost inevitably led to the breakup of the Union. While ostensibly concerned with the ideology of the Republican Party leading up to the Civil War, the author clearly shows that the Republicans also both reflected and advanced the belief system that came to permeate much of the North.
A key component of Northern thinking emphasized a free labor and producer ethic, which extolled the virtues of free, independent, and propertied working men. Dependency was eschewed as evidence of personal shortcoming. But the institution of slavery violated that ethic in every way. Not only were slaves not free, but also Southern aristocratic society degraded free labor. To be a free laborer in the South was to be a member of a lower class. These diametrically opposed views of labor were the basis of an ongoing controversy dating from the Missouri Compromise over the issue of permitting slavery in newly obtained territories or newly admitted states. The Northern and Republican position was one of "free soil," for free laborers.
Though not emphasizing the chronological history of the Republican Party, the author traces the assimilation into the party of members or adherents of the Abolitionists, the Liberty Party, the Free Soil Party, anti-slavery Democrats and Whigs, the Know-Nothings, and the so-called radical Republicans. A good sampling of the pronouncements of the leading Northern political figures of the era as well as the positions of key newspaper publishers is quite illuminating. It is a mild criticism of the book that the author, in following the historical trail, at times provides insufficient background on historical events that he refers to such as the Wilmot Proviso, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the Lecompton controversy, etc.
Certainly much of the rise of the Republican Party was due to a concern of Northern Whigs and Democrats that the political process in Washington was being dominated by a southern Slave Power. That Slave Power was seen as a force intent on expanding the geographical reach of slavery. Every attempt at expansion of slave territory drove more and more people to the ranks of the parties that became the Republican Party. The author is keen to point out that while anti-slavery was a moral crusade on the part of some Republicans, for most the prevention of the Slave Power in expanding its reach and the preservation and expansion of Northern society superceded any moral imperative to emancipate slaves.
It is not the author's intent to directly list the causes of the Civil War, yet it would be difficult to deny the relevance of this book in answering those questions. But the author does address some claims of causation. While not denying that protective tariffs were controversial issues, he downplays their overall significance. For one, many leading Republicans were free traders, not protectionists. Republicanism was not simply warmed over Whiggery intent on protecting industry. In fact, many Republicans had a distrust of emerging corporations. In addition, he gives little credence to suggestions that the Civil War represents either a failure of political compromise or political incompetence.
The author amply demonstrates that the election of President Lincoln in 1860 constituted a culminating point for both the North and the South. Clearly, the Republicans had emerged as a voice for a Northern society that was based on entrepreneuralism, free labor, progress, and expansion. For the South, the election of Republicans was seen as a dire threat to a way of life wholly different than that of the North. No longer the foremost power in Washington, Southerners had grave misgivings concerning the designs of Republicans on dismantling their society. And neither the Democrats who had stared down John Calhoun in the Nullification Crisis or the Republicans with a Whig background of Henry Clay's Americanism were about to simply let the South secede.
According to the author there was "the conviction that North and South represented two social systems whose values, interests, and future prospects were in sharp, perhaps mortal, conflict with one another." And for those who would downplay the essential role of slavery in the impending conflict, the author quotes another historian as indicating that "By 1860, slavery had become the symbol and carrier of all sectional differences and conflicts."
In an introduction twenty-five years after the original, the author acknowledges that the ideology of free labor was already fraying by 1860. In the first place, by that point more than half of all men were wage earners and not independent workers. Secondly, the Republican fiction that both capital and labor had similar interests was belied by the greater power of capital to make the employment relationship hardly free. But those realities rose to the front after the Civil War as industrialism really expanded.
For those who would have wanted a bigger and more comprehensive book, there is merit in that. The book is somewhat narrowly focused. That is not to deny that the capturing of Republican ideology is not a significant contribution. But Southern reactions as the Republican Party was growing would have been interesting. But this book should be on the list of anyone wanting to understand the Civil War era.
Scholarly Work.......2001-04-16
This was the second book I read on the Civil War, following James McPherson's excellent `Battle Cry of Freedom'. I was led to read it because of my interest in the strange reversal of fortune of the Republican Party amongst African Americans. Why did the party of Lincoln, and more importantly The Radicals, gain less than 10% of the Black vote in 2000? Actually this book doesn't really answer that question, what it does explore (in some detail) is the origins of the Republican Party. That is why I have referred to it as a `Scholarly Work', the quality of Foner's research is formidable and together with William Geinapp's similar book provide a indispensable guide, not just to the historical events, but as the title suggests - to the underlying ideology that tied some very diverse politicians together. Furthermore in a key chapter (`The Republican Critique of the South') Foner analyses the root of those beliefs.
A book about the rise of GOP, not the causes of the war.......2001-01-02
Ryan Setliff reviews a different book than I read. I left with the book with an impression why slavery was the root cause of the formation the Republican party.
Foner doesn't not debate that economics or other causes were not the reason for many events in the 1850's, but only if you dig deep enough into the causes of those causes you'll find the slavery issue lurking around. Slavery bound the Republicans together like no other cause, and it was that issue that was the reason for the creation of the party. Foner makes an rather hard to debate argument on that score.
The reasons for secession are not the subject of the book, and is hardly touched. Tariff's may be the primary reason of that events, but the reason for the Republican party gaining power causing the lattest tariff battle is slavery. There would have been no tariff war with out the Republican's in power. Or at least not in the fall of 1960.
Read this book if you wish to find about the beginnings of the GOP, don't read this book if you wish to find the causes of the Civil War as that is not the focus of the book.
Book Description
None of the Above is a state-of-the-art volume about current debates regarding Puerto Rico and Puerto Ricans, both in the United States and on the Island. The title simultaneously refers to the results of a non-binding 1998 plebiscite held in San Juan to determine the Island's political status, the ambiguities that have historically characterized Puerto Rican political agency, and the complexities of Puerto Rican ethnic, national, and cultural identifications.
Customer Reviews:
boring academic prose but interesting argument.......2006-05-25
Well, what can I say? It's an academic work (read--puts you to sleep), very narrow, that tries to advance the field of current military affairs.
Some chapters, actually, are interesting--especially the first one, where Kaldor describes in good detail her distinctions between old and new wars.
Very briefly, Mary Kaldor (lecturer at the LSE) argues that America--the last nation-state, cannot understand the new era of globalization in conjunction with identity politics (read--ethnic hatred, linguistic identities, or religious) and militarization. And America, and Americans, accd. to Kaldor, still live in the Rumsfeld Cold War mentality, where the world is divided into blocs between democratic and authoritarian-communist regimes, and that the only way to prevail over "evil" is to advance military technology evermore. She says that this is fictitious, at best, and at worse, extremely dangerous.
Old wars are between states, involving a clear distinction between combatants and civilians alike, and are organized vertically, with clear goals and objectives. New wars, on the other hand, begin as civil wars within states, and spill over into adjoining neighbor states, creating a mass diaspora and refugee crisis. In addition, there are mass rapes, civilians are the primary targets (rather than soldiers), genocide is typically the aim, and funding is very different--instead of coming from a vibrant economy, it comes from extortion through insidious taxes on illicit drugs, alcohol, arms weaponry, etc. In short, Kaldor contends that the new wars are those that occurred after the fall of the Berlin Wall (such as those in Eastern Europe, Rwanda, Congo, Sudan, Bosnia, and Iraq 2003). And what has empowered these "super-angry men" (ala Friedman) is globalization. How? Through the cheap weaponry in the global arms trade, the mass proliferation of Kalashnikovs (over 100,000,000 still unaccounted for, accd. to Michael Mann), the internet (facilitating easy communications via IM or email, or temporary web pages), and also, the negative effects of globalization: being excluded from those parts of the world where globalization has not yet included. This goes along the lines with Thomas Barnetts's "The Pentagon's New Map"--namely, draw a circle around those parts of the world that don't benefit from globalization, and you will find failed states, failing states, and mass insurrections.
Kaldor's solution, which in my opinion is grossly nieve, is in implementing a cosmopolitan rule of law by encouraging local police officers to arrest local agents (insurgents, etc.) before they can become too destructive. This is nieve because some people cannot be reasoned with, under any circumstances: see Eric Hoffer's wonderful "The True Believer" for further clarification. People such as Hitler, al-Zarqawi, bin Laden, Pol Pot, etc., are all ideologues, and they were and are unwilling to bend under any circumstances to permit those cosmopolitan forces from rising in the first place. They have to be taken out. Period. And I would add, had I been Kaldor, that one of the ways to deal with these thugs, which as worked so well for us in the past, is through the encouragement of corruption. Corruption is good, it is healthy. If the choice is between killing 50,000 people or bribing the dictator $500M, well, the corrupt leader will take the money. Ideologues will not.
Is Kaldor correct in asserting that our US military is antiquated in their beliefs and strategies? It is hard to say. I think on one hand, she actually is correct because if you look at the results of the Iraqi war now, it looks pretty bleak: daily insurrections, daily bombings, daily murders. There is no clear target, we have no idea who the insurgents are or where they are, and our estimates of them change annually: first there were 5,000 in Oct. 2003, then one year later, from 8,000 - 12,000, and now up to 20,000. In addition, we are using the latest and greatest in military technology to crush opponents that are marginally excluded from society, and weak. Our Abrams tank, for instance, used in Bosnia in 1999 couldn't cross the damn river because there were no bridges strong enough to support the enormous weight!
Clearly there are a proliferation of failed states, or failing states, where ethnic hatred and tension runs high. Look at what is happening in East Timor now.
It's worth the read, and since it's on many academic syllabi around America, I'd say, it has some value to at least have a look.
An excelent socio-economic analysis of 'New Wars'.......2003-12-05
Based on the field research on the conflicts in the Former Yugoslavia, especially those in Bosnia, Mary Kaldor offered a multifaced socio-economic analysis of organized violence in the Post-Westpharian System. She not only claimed the transformation of inter-state wars into civil wars, LICs and so on but also complex and privatized nature of 'New Wars,': the role of Military-Industrial Complex as well as underground economy, identity politics and the role of unofficial organizations such as NGO and Mafia.
Customer Reviews:
A workhorse turned thoroughbed.......2004-01-14
Given the world situation, timing books to catch the wave of public interest is a tricky thing. A spate of books came out in 2002 that, because of long production times, failed to consider one of the defining events of this decade, the September 11 terrorist attack on New York City and the Pentagon. Given the trauma incurred among the press and populace of the world's lone megapower, books that failed to note 9/11 immediately were dismissed as out-dated. Textbooks, for example, that used to have at least a five-year shelf-life, suddenly found themselves on the bargain tables after a year. Today, one is swamped with titles of global media books that have "terror" or "Gulf War" in somewhere in their titles.
Among the first to "capitalize" on terrorism in the title was a refurbishment of the Hachten book, The World News Prism. Through five editions-the first was published in 1981-readers found a solid, established (and establishment) book. Hachten, with his wife Harva as a collaborator, did yeoman's work on the News Prism series, but as in an aging grand dame the wrinkles and gray started to show. The fifth edition, though adequately received by reviewers, did not enjoy the praise of the former editions, and suggestions abounded that the title be given a dignified retirement. Then came 9/11 and an old friend.
James F. Scotton, associate professor at Marquette University, added his expertise and knowledge and helped transform the old workhorse into a thoroughbred.
The sixth edition has been completely retooled from the fifth, and the freshened-up material is refreshing to read. This book simply zings along, rare in text aimed at classroom adoption. In fact, the book gets right to the point early: international media have changed since 9/11 and the war on terrorism. Written to be understood-an astonishing statement if not indictment of most reading material used in classrooms today-World News Prism not only transports the reader across time zones and geographical borders effortlessly and smoothly, it makes the ride interesting for younger readers or those new to the study of international communications.
One of the pioneering techniques of the old Hachten texts was the use of "mini-case studies" to illustrate global communication events and how they were covered by international broadcasters and journalists. This updated version does the same thing, making news more relevant to young readers who think the 1991 Gulf War was ancient history. The invasion of Afghanistan is covered, and referred to as the first "videophone war." It was also a war that was stage-managed by the military, much like every conflict or war since Vietnam. The chapter on "The Impact of Great News Events" highlights this technique.
However, this tome is neither Euro- nor Americo-centric. Consideration is given to the media systems developing in China and India, whose spheres of influence stretch over nearly half the world's population. Chapters on "Public Diplomacy and Political Warfare" and "New Ways to Report the World-or Not" are particularly salient to the discipline of international communication.
Maybe this reviewer has read too many global media books in the past few years not to have an idea of how the books should open for readers. The book's organization at first was puzzling. Usually there is a discussion early on about the four concepts of the press (authoritarian, western, communist, developmental) that have been a convenient heuristic device for half a century. Though Hachten-Scotton does eventually list them (in chapter 11 of this 12-chapter book), the concepts are presented as more of an afterthought than a raison d'être as they are in most international communication books. However, the organization seems to work, especially since the last chapter tackles the idea of Westernization of the world media systems-also a concept usually found earlier in global communication texts. Rather than wrap up the texts, the authors leave us wanting more-which any top entertainer will tell you is a good thing. The last chapter covers the global-communication issues spectrum in a check list format, ticking off sub-headed paragraphs at breath-taking speed: What are the upsides/downsides of globalized media effects? Will Western programming drive out local production? What are the non-Western alternatives and what are their prognoses? Heady questions that could touch off classroom-and boardroom-discussions.
The only complaint I would have about this slim volume is its price--when it first came out $40 was a bit much for students to pay for a slender paperback. Perhaps the popularity of the edition will drive the price down--or risk increased business at the neighborhood Kinko's.
An informative and analytical survey.......2003-04-18
Now in its sixth edition, updated to include how the world news media responded to the September 11th attack on America, The World News Prism: Global Media In An Era Of Terrorism by William A. Hachten (Professor Emeritus Of Journalism And Mass Communication, University of Wisconsin - Madison) and James F. Scotton (Associate Professor of Journalism, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin) is an informative and analytical survey of a wide variety of media and its influences within the context of the twenty-first century, including the Internet, modern public diplomacy and political warfare, globalization of the information distribution, and much, much more. The World News Prism is a fascinating and eruditely presented study which is especially recommended for Journalism, Media Studies, Political Science, and International Studies reference collections and reading lists.
Book Description
This book examines the life and times of Getúlio Vargas, Brazilian dictator and president for most of the period from 1930 to 1954. It asks how Vargas' legacy influenced Brazil, and to what extent his social legislation affected people's lives. Vargas ignored individual rights and devoted as much effort to manipulating workers as to benefiting them. He did not perceive the unequal distribution of power as a problem that needed to be solved. Although Vargas promised much and delivered little, Brazilians idolized him. Ordinary people would shrug and say, "The President always thought about us."
Customer Reviews:
The author fails many times, but this book is good.......2006-08-14
I read this book, in a translation to the portuguese, here in Brazil.I'm an agronomist.I like to read books.
This book is about Getulio Vargas, the most important of brazilians presidents, in all times.
And this book is concise and easy to read.
The author fails many times.To example,in a sentence, on last page of chapter 4, the author seems to believe, that terrorism in Military times(1964-1985) as an effect of repressive actions by government.In fact in 1960, Che Guevara himself made a terrorist attack, here in Brazil.The target was a registry office in Parana, a Brazil's state.Since 1959, brazilian marxists were training guerrilla warfare, in Cuba.
Terrorism in Latin America, between 1964 and 1985, was focused in democracies as his main victims.Brazil having more than 47% of the territory of South America, but had less than 0,5% of all terrorism in South America.And Brazil's GDP grew in average 7% between 1967 and 1985, against an average of 2% in a year between 1987 and 2006.
Returning to Vargas and this book, the author isn't a tourist about Getulio Vargas.Like the author hismselfs recognizes, in fact there's almost so many Vargas, as there is Jesus or Gods.Vargas has being used to help leftist from right wing, since while, he was living.
Vargas himself told many times, that he ever will be a mistery.And he got this wish.
If the author of this book were a brazilian, I'll be giving 3 stars for this book.The author will have 4 stars for this book. Because the author know so much about Brazil and Vargas, to write this book, is a good made effort.
Book Description
A path-breaking work when first published in 1973, The Southern Dream remains the standard work on attempts by the South to spread American slavery into the tropics--Cuba, Mexico, and Central America in particular--before the Civil War. Robert May shows that the South's expansionists had no more success than when they tried to extend slavery westward. As one after another of their plots failed, southern imperialists lost hope that their labor system might survive in the Union. Blaming northern Democrats and antislavery Republicans alike for their disappointed dreams, alienated southerners embraced secession as an alternative means to achieving the tropical slave empire that they craved. Had war not erupted at Fort Sumter, Confederates might have attempted to conquer the Caribbean basin.
May's book serves as an important reminder that foreign policy cannot be divorced from the writing of American history, even in regard to seemingly domestic matters like the causes of the Civil War. Contending that America's Manifest Destiny became "sectionalized" in the 1850s, he explains why southerners considered Caribbean expansion so important and shows how southerners used their clout in Washington to initiate diplomatic schemes like the notorious Ostend Manifesto and presidential attempts to buy the slaveholding island of Cuba from Spain. He also describes southern filibustering plots against Latin American domains, such as the aborted designs on Mexico of the colorful Knights of the Golden Circle and the actual invasions of Central America by native Tennessean William Walker. Walker struck a major blow for the expansion of slavery when he legalized it during his occupation of Nicaragua. Most important, May relates how Caribbean plots affected American public opinion and ignited sectional friction in congressional debates. May argues that President-elect Abraham Lincoln might have saved the Union in the winter of 1860-61, had he agreed to last minute concessions facilitating slavery's future expansion towards the tropics.
May's fascinating and often surprising account internationalized the causes of the Civil War. It should be read by anyone who wishes to understand the complex reasons why Americans came to blows with each other in 1861. This reprinting features a new preface by the author, which addresses the latest research on the Caribbean question.
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U.S. National Security: Policymakers, Processes, and Politics
