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- Great Book On Little Known Subject
- Superbly researched and carefully argued
- Many assumed 'facts' went uncheck
- Many assumed 'facts' went uncheck
- Well-documented history followed by a bold assessment.
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Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia: Political Culture and the Causes of War
Stephen J. Morris
Manufacturer: Cambridge University Press
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The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, 1975-79
ASIN: 0804730504 |
Customer Reviews:
Great Book On Little Known Subject.......2003-11-14
Steven Morris's work on this book is amazing. I have such a better understanding of the conflict between Cambodia and Vietnam from the early '70s to 1989. North Vietnam, China and the USSR are culpable regarding the victory of Pol Pot in 1975, and not American bombing as so many Stalinists try to claim. N. Vietnam had their eyes on Cambodia all along, but had to buy their time during the conflict with the U.S.
Superbly researched and carefully argued.......2000-04-19
This book is undoubtedly one of the few "must have" books on Vietnam and Cambodia. The author has produced a very carefully argued and superbly researched analysis of the Vietnamese relationship with Cambodia and the Vietnamese relationships with the Soviet Union and China. It shows how our conventional thinking in terms of states only pursuing their national security or economic interests doesn't explain why the Vietnamese and the Khmers Rouges each provoked their larger neighbors (The Khmers Rouges provoked Vietnam and Vietnam provoked China). The idea that the weak can provoke the stronger goes against our "common sense" understanding of how states behave, but it obviously did happen in these cases. Morris also has a very good writing style (I even found the more abstract conceptual discussion in the introduction and conclusion quite easy to follow) and the narrative flows quite nicely. He has also introduced the concept of "hyperMaoism" to explain the outlook of the Khmers Rouges, which is something that I find quite insightful. His research in Soviet archives also brought forth some fascinating revelations, regarding how little the Vietnamese leadership knew and understood about the motives of the Khmers Rouges leaders. And the Soviet documents also bring completely new information on how Vietnam's relations with China broke down during the 1970s. I had read every book published on the Vietnamese communists and the Khmers Rouges, but this book has taught me a lot that I didn't know. The tone of the work is quite dispassionate, and its approach completely objective, as Morris tries to get inside the thinking of all of the parties to the conflict. Highly recommended.
Many assumed 'facts' went uncheck.......2000-04-07
After so many years of digging through the Soviet archives, Mr. Morris forgot to double and triple check his supposedly 'facts' and got carried away with believing everything he read from the basements in Moscow.
The problem with Morris analysis is that it left out the Beijing angle. The Vietnam-Cambodian war was driven more from China than from Vietnam and the Soviet. The CCP has a lot of influence and control over this war which was barely accounted for in this book.
There's also another problem with an analysis based solely on ideological ground i.e. communist regime wages war because they can, because they are evil, warlike and undemocratic. Besides being not very useful in pedagogical terms, this of course left out the more important historical analysis that Vietnam and Cambodia has a long history of many small wars. And the Vietnam-Cambodian war could be viewed as an attempt to continue Vietnam's territorial expansion that began from the 17th century.
Mr. Morris assessments in the book should be read in light of his other 'hysterical' pronouncement of having found a document in Soviet archives showing that Hanoi had deceived on POWs. The timing of his finding was also perfectly coincide with an impending congressional vote on improving US-Vietnam relationship.
T.N.
Many assumed 'facts' went uncheck.......2000-04-07
After so many years of digging through the Soviet archives, Mr. Morris forgot to double and triple check his supposedly 'facts' and got carried away with believing everything he read from the basements in Moscow.
The problem with Morris analysis is that it left out the Beijing angle. The Vietnam-Cambodian war was driven more from China than from Vietnam and the Soviet. The CCP has a lot of influence and control over this war which was barely accounted for in this book.
There's also another problem with an analysis based solely on ideological ground i.e. communist regime wages war because they can, because they are evil, warlike and undemocratic. Besides being not very useful in pedagogical terms, this of course left out the more important historical analysis that Vietnam and Cambodia has a long history of many small wars. And the Vietnam-Cambodian war could be viewed as an attempt to continue Vietnam's territorial expansion that began from the 17th century.
Mr. Morris assessments in the book should be read in light of his other 'hysterical' pronouncement of having found a document in Soviet archives showing that Hanoi had deceived on POWs.
T.N.
Well-documented history followed by a bold assessment........2000-01-04
A scholarly analysis of the history behind the 1978-89 Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia, followed by the author's brutally frank assessment of the consequences. As the author states, a final assessment is premature, but recent events do indeed cause the reader to wonder how long the Vietnamese will continue to be pleased with the tactics of its "clients". Readers will also want to review "Falling Out of Touch" by Goscha and Engelbert for another look at historical relations between the Vietnamese and Cambodian communists.
Book Description
Ivan Berend uses a vast range of sources, as well as his own personal experience, to analyze the fortunes of the postwar socialist regimes in Eastern Europe. His comparative approach stretches beyond the confines of economic history to produce a work of political economy, encompassing the cultural and personal forces that have influenced the development of the "Eastern Bloc" countries over the past fifty years. The book is distinguished by its unique combination of time, region and topic, and is a major contribution to the economic history of the twentieth century.
Customer Reviews:
Great Detailed Account.......1999-08-13
Berend's novel is a great account of the political, social, and economic changes Central and Eastern Europe went through after WWII. The book is very well organized and easy to follow, making this book read more like a story than a boring old history book.
Book Description
The closing phase and the aftermath of World War II saw millions of refugees and displaced persons wandering across Easter Europe in one of the most brutal and chaotic migrations in world history.The genocidal barbarism of the Nazi forces has been well documented. What hitherto has been little known is the fate of fifteen million German civillians who found themselves at the mercy of Soviet armies and on the wrong side of new postwar borders. All over Eastern Europe, the inhabitants of communities that had been established for many centuries were either expelled or killed. Over two million Germans did not survive.Many of these people had supported Hitler, and for the Czechs, Poles, Ukrainians, and surviving Jews, their fate must have seemed just. However, the great majority--East Prussian farmers, Silesian industrial workers, their wives and children--were guiltless. Their fate, sentenced purely by race, remains an appalling legacy of the period.Alfred de Zayas's book describes this horrible retribution. On the basis of extensive research in German and American archives, he outlines the long history of these German communities, scattered from the Baltic to the Danude, and, most movingly, reproduces the testimonies of surviors from the catastrophic exodus that marked the final end to Nazi fantasies of Lebensraum.
Customer Reviews:
Time the World Put Communism on Trial........2007-08-12
I have this book, and glad I bought it. It's very enlightening.
I'll have to find out what that "Konzentrationslager Dokument F321 fuer den Internationalen Miltaergerichtshof Nuerenberg" is... seems very little info exists for it on the web.
and...
I am wondering when they will put the Nuremberg trials on a second hearing like Trotsky got... Dewey Investigating Committee found Moscow trials were a "perversion of judicial process," how much more so the Nuremberg Trials, and afterall, Soviet Justice demanded fake trials (the General who was appointed by the Russians, had been involved in fake trials in the 1930's in the USSR), since for Stalin, a false charge was just as good as a legitimate charge for more information After the Reich: The Brutal History of The Allied Occupation). ... as for Nuremberg, starting with creating laws, and backdating them, no cross-reference of witnesses, accepting hearsay as testimony, no right to appeal, heck, the officers weren't even allowed to know what charges were being brought against them. Despite an outcry from legal authorities everywhere that Nuremberg Law was hypocritical (e.g., the atomic bomb and the unforgivably inhumane bombing raids) the trial was simply victor's justice and revenge, not justice, but Stalin and his cohorts would have their way. Been reading some other books on the history of world war II and I'm not happy with.... the Seven Million Holocaust against Ukraine, that nobody ever utters a word about -- because the New York Times was too busy denying it (1932-1933), and the League of Nations was too busy sucking up to Stalin, and well.... you should read about the 85-110 Million murdered by Communists... and what about those gas chambers of the KGB? We never hear about them.
You know Joseph Goebbels wasn't denying the Holocaust? You know that? In his speech, "Communism with the Mask Off," he addresses the question that even possibly as many as 6 million may have died due to the famine forced on Ukraine, by Stalin's collectivism stupidity. Wretched. But nobody was listening to Goebbels' warnings about Communist aggression. I don't like it when I see these same Marxists in our governments now, running the media... and of course, that explains why nobody is discussing the 85-110 Million murdered by Communists; Stalin's extermination against nationalism, religious persecution (turning churches into barns, atheistical rampages of hatred and intoleration).. my God! my God! When will the Communists and Marxists be put on trial for their mega-murdering crimes against humanity? When will justice be served on the great criminals responsible for World War II?
This book serves as just one more piece of incriminating evidence against the true criminals responsible for World War II (and several others as well.
"There is no famine or actual starvation nor is there likely to be."
-New York Times, November 15, 1931, page 1
"Any report of a famine in Russia is today an exaggeration or malignant propaganda."
- New York Times, August 23, 1933
"Enemies and foreign critics can say what they please."
- New York Times, December 9, 1932
"You can't make an omelet without breaking eggs."
- New York Times, May 14, 1933
"What are a few million dead Russians in a situation like this? Quite unimportant. This is just an incident in the sweeping historical changes here. I think the entire matter is exaggerated."
- New York Times reporter Walter Duranty (1932-1933).
The disregarded genocide.......2007-05-03
The most grievous violation of the right based on historical evolution and of any human right in general is to deprive populations of their right to occupy the country where they live by compelling them to settle elsewhere. ... the victorious powers decided at the end of WWII to impose this fate on hundreds of thousands of human beings ... in a most cruel manner.
-- Albert Schweitzer, ca. Nobel Prize for Peace, Oslo, 1954.
Ancestors of my best family friends lived in rural villages in land near the Danube River watershed. (Biggest crop: cannabis hemp.) They are known as the Danube Swabians and were among several peoples living outside of Germany's early 20th-century borders (often in enclaves resented by their neighbors) referred to as the ethic Germans (Volksdeutsche).
Following WWII, due to concessions made by England and America at Yalta[, approximately 17 million of these East European Germans were systematically expelled from their lands where many of them had lived for centuries.
2,111,000 were killed in the process!
A Terrible Revenge is the story of this forced dispossession.
Human rights activist and author, Dr. de Zayas, paints a sad and brutal picture of The Expulsion. Through touching personal stories of dozens of the victims and through a detailed account of the machinations of states, Dr. de Zayas has raised the issue of this uniquely "disregarded" 20th century genocide to center stage.
Why haven't we heard of this one? And why should we?
To answer the first question, let's go to a Webpage on 20th century genocides, where we obtain the following list:
Bosnia-Herzegovina: 1992-1995 - 200,000 Deaths
Rwanda: 1994 - 800,000 Deaths
Pol Pot in Cambodia: 1975-1979 - 2,000,000 Deaths
Nazi Holocaust: 1938-1945 - 6,000,000 Deaths
Rape of Nanking: 1937-1938 - 300,000 Deaths
Stalin's Forced Famine: 1932-1933 - 7,000,000 Deaths
Armenians in Turkey: 1915-1918 - 1,500,000 Deaths
Giving the benefit of the doubt to the accuracy of the numbers, we can see that 2,100,000 killings certainly qualifies The Expulsion as a genocide. It's actually the fourth highest in absolute death count. Also referring to the site's definition of genocide as massive "race" "killing" by intention, The Expulsion meets any objective criteria for inclusion on the standard list.
...
For my complete review of this book and for other book and movie
reviews, please visit my site [...]
Brian Wright
Copyright 2007
Amazing book on the persecution of innocents.......2007-03-08
Dr. Zayas has collected a comprehensive account of the persecution of innocents after WWII. A must read for those interested in the little known atrocities. Filled with touching antidotes told by people who were unlucky enough to have their home taken away and expelled under brutal circumstances simply as a political expediency.
A long overdue tale about the greatest crime of the 20th century in peacetime.......2007-02-17
This book is one of the few books I've read that actually caused me to feel physically ill. It details the horrible treatment innocent German civilians had to endure from the Bolshevik hordes in the period from 1944 and onwards. Even though written from a liberal and kind of "excuse me for being German" perspective, I appreciate the effort the author has made in writing and researching this thought-provoking book.
I'm fully aware that the German soldiers and their allies didn't exactly rub the Slavic population gently on the back as they passed, but due to partisans and Bolsheviks, I don't think they had much of a choice. But that being said, I think you'll be hard pressed to find instances where 20 German soldiers rape one Slavic girl again and again in front of her parents, before they slaughter the entire family and torch the property, for no other reason than the family being Slavic. As you might have guessed by now, this was more or less what happened to every German girl that found herself in the hands of these Eastern hordes.
After the initial ravage, plunder, murder and rape was through, in the ending phase of the war and just afterwards, followed the forced expulsion from their Germanic ancestral lands for nearly a millennium with nothing but what they could carry away in a few minutes, if that, in hand. The treatment these Germanic brethren of ours got by the Bolshevik conquerors, and the cowardice displayed by the Western "Allies", turning a blind eye to the horrible crimes committed against these helpless people from 1944 and onwards, is probably the most unknown and at the same time apocalyptic crime, carried out in peacetime in the heart of Europe.
Highly recommended as a compliment to the eternal repetitions we are forced to hear about daily in regards to the events nowadays elevated to what basically amounts to "our" modern mode of religion.
Wonderful and well written.......2006-10-26
This is a Great book. The author brings the issues home. I am the son of an expellee and still to this day my Father has nightmares about this time in his life. It gave me a better understanding of history and my past. If Mr Zayas writes more on this subject I will buy it also.
Book Description
Sir Herbert Samuel, the first British High Commissioner in Mandatory Palestine (1920-25) has been generally regarded as an impartial administrator. Sahar Huneidi argues that most of the measures Samuel took during his time in Palestine were designed to prepare the ground not simply for the "Jewish national home" promised in both the Balfour Declaration and the mandate for Palestine, but also for a Jewish state. Using a wide range of sources Huneidi charts Samuel's career in Palestine against the complex background of British policy, the Zionist movement at its inception and the emergent Palestinian Arab nationalist movement.
Book Description
"Writing in elegant prose, Paczkowski makes persuasive comments and judgments about this half century of Poland's history. The Spring Will Be Ours is a masterly work." —John J. Kulczycki, University of Illinois at Chicago
"A must-read for anyone interested in contemporary Polish history, or the development of the historical profession in Poland since 1989." —Michael Bernhard, Penn State University
One can think of countries that traversed the twentieth century free from war, revolution, or social upheaval. Such countries, however, are far outnumbered by those that struggled, often constantly, with severe internal conflicts, fought in bloody wars, or were attacked by their neighbors and deprived of their sovereignty. Poland is one of the more startling examples of a country subjected to a steady stream of trials and tribulations from Hitler's Nazi Germany through decades of Soviet repression. The Spring Will Be Ours, by one of Poland's leading historians, is the first book written after the collapse of state socialism in 1989 to tell this dramatic story based on research in newly declassified records.
The Spring Will Be Ours focuses on the turbulent half century from the outbreak of World War II in 1939, which started the chain of events that would lead to the communist takeover of Poland, to 1989, when futile attempts to reform the communist system gave way to its total transformation. Paczkowski shows how the communists captured and consolidated power, describes their use of terror and propaganda, and illuminates the changes that took place within the governing elite. He also documents the political opposition to the regime—both inside Poland and abroad—that resulted in upheavals in 1956, 1968, 1970, 1976, and 1980. His narrative makes evident the pressures that the elite felt from above, from Moscow, and from below, from the population and from within the party. The history of Poland and the Poles is of special interest because on numerous occasions in the twentieth century this relatively small country influenced developments on a global scale.
First published in Poland in 1995, The Spring Will Be Ours has been translated into several other languages. For this edition, translated by Jane Cave, Paczkowski has added an introductory chapter on Poland's twenty years of independence prior to 1939 and an extensive postscript exploring the changes that have taken place since the fall of communism in 1989. A bibliography of English-language works, prepared by Padraic Kenney, makes this book an indispensable starting point for anyone seeking to understand the remarkable course of events that brought an independent Poland into the twenty-first century.
Book Description
There is, in a post-Cold War climate, a great need for an active, engaged U.S. foreign policy. Isolationism is not a viable solution. Yet given the limits of American power and wisdom, an engaged policy has to be conducted in a multilateral framework, informed by criticisms as well as agreement from other countries, and carried out with their active cooperation in multilateral institutions. Published at the height of the Vietnam War, No Clear and Present Danger argues that if the Vietnam War derived in substantial part from an overconfident and unilateral interpretation of history, that is a mistake from which we can still learn.
Customer Reviews:
Maybe Andrew Bacevich should have read this book.......2006-08-29
Yale University Political Scientist Bruce Russett's thesis can be summarised with the following quote from his book.
"American participation in World War II had very little effect on the essential structure of international politics thereafter, and probablt did little either to advance the material welfare of most Americans or to make the nation secure from foreign military threats (the presumed goals of advocates of a "realist" foreign policy). (By structure I mean the basic balance of forces in the world, regardless of which particular nations are powerful vis-a-vis the United States.) In fact, most Americans probably would have been no worse off, and probably a little better, if the United States had never become a belligerent. Russia replaced Germany as the great threat to European security, and Japan, despite it's territorial losses, is once more a great power."
It's natural when paradigms are failing for investigators to return to their origins and seek out the views of their critics. Ronald Radosh did this when he was a member of the New Left and America's then quagmire was in rice paddies not quick sand. Radosh interrogated the writings of five isolationist critics of America's path to WWII and the Cold War. Other investigators sift through the fine detail, revisit the archives and engage in revisionist history. With the new quagmire we are seeing this deju vu all over again.
But Russett eschews both those paths. He neither unburies forgotten prophets or trawls for lost telegrams, instead he turns the fine focus to blurr and looks for the big picture. In his final chapters we get a taste of his 'macroscopic" methodology. Russett's macroscope sees Japan as being pushed into war, not so much by any Rooseveltian chicanery or home grown militaristic mania, but by the disappearance of options making either withdrawl from China or negotiation with the Anglo-Americans impossible. The Pearl Harbor attack was in a sense a desperate gamble by a power with a GDP perhaps a tenth of America's. In Europe Russett saw a stalemate emerging as Hitler fails to defeat the RAF and the war with Stalin erupts.
Russett warns us that the usual portraits of Nazi evil are true but as the true depths of their depravity were not really appreciated until after WWII so these arguments are not available for retrospective justification. This is not a rule Russett applies consistently. He relies on much data gathered post WWII that shows that Axis war preparations and production capabilities were consistently exaggerated by Allied leaders.
Russett argues the hypothetical case for a middle path between isolationism and interventionism, essentially it's the path of 'limited war', a phrase that only became common in the cold war era. Russett correctly points out that in fact the division between "isolationists" and "interventionists" was more of a shifting and over-lapping spectrum, rival strategies rather than a Berlin Wall ideological split. Many "isolationists" urged America to be armed to the teeth and FDR's pre-Pearl Harbor strategy of "all aid short of war" had numerous "isolationist" supporters, not all of whom were pacifists or even neutralists. There were interventionists in FDR's administration, but it is, at least, possible that their number did not include FDR himself until virtually the dawn of Pearl Harbor. Russett believes a continuation of the "all aid short of war" strategy pioneered in Lend Lease, convoy protection etc would have been sufficient to keep Britain afloat as a viable western counter to any German european hegemony. Such an 'isolationist' strategy would also be 'realist', providing America with a potential base and ally as an insurance policy in the unlikely event that the new Nazi empire, would grow into a true global power with trans-Atlantic reach.
The actual "All aid short of war" phase of FDR's actual strategy was as Russett informs us itself really the first, if unheralded, chapter of American 'limited war'. Russett takes FDR to task, as do most of the revisionists, for the secrecy that cloaked this limited war. These were the first steps to the Imperial Presidency. Russett's defence of this limited war is of course somewhat ironic, considering his status as a critic of the Vietnam adventure.
Russett's book is in a sense the book Andrew Bacevich should read .Bacevich is a modern critic of "The New American Militarism" and America's latest quicksand quagmire. Bacevich's analysis has it's roots in the work of revisionist historian and liberal isolationist Charles Beard. Yet Bacevich has argued that modern opponents of the new militarism are wasting their breath by taking a revisionist line on WWII and questioning FDR. Maybe he was thinking too much about Beard, perhaps Russett's approach would give Bacevich the middle path he was after.
In any event this compact, well written volume of a mere 108 pages punches above it's weight. For my money the chapters dealing wit the Pacific War were excellent as was his overview of the European theatre pre-Pearl Harbour. The later chapters exploring his analytical methodology are interesting and provide a strong empirical case for focusing on national fundamentals (ie GDP, demography, cultural traditions) rather than the latest scare headlines from some corner of the globe, an approach that guarantees a constant chase of phantoms. These chapters are not as well written as the earlier ones which is a pity, as they suggest a realist alternative to nostrums of which the neocons are merely the latest peddlars.
Accurate in the local sense, inaccurate in the global.......2001-07-14
There are few more controversial premises for a book than the one that motivated the writing of this one. The author argues that the United States was under no severe threat from either Germany or Japan in the period of the late 1930's until the attack at Pearl Harbor. His first premise is that Germany had not been able to subdue Britain and was stalemated on the Soviet front in 1941, which would have eventually led to some form of negotiated truce. Germany then and in the near future would have possessed no capability to directly attack the United States. Japan was also bogged down in China and overextended in other areas, such as Southeast Asia. While an initial attack would be damaging, there was little chance that Japan could defeat the U.S. With these "facts" as a basis, Russett argues that Roosevelt's tactics of engaging in a naval shooting war with Germany in the Atlantic and embargoing goods essential to Japan, unnecessarily goaded them into a war that could have been avoided. He considers the goading unnecessary because neither nation presented any clear and present danger to the United States.
This is a case where the author is correct in the technical sense but wrong in the practical, and the degree to which he is correct is dependent on your definition of the phrase, `clear and present danger." It is true that neither nation had the capability to do significant material damage to the territory of the United States. However, the invasion and/or wholesale killing of a nation's citizens is not the only danger that can exist.
Russett has the benefit of hindsight in knowing a great deal about the resources that Germany possessed in the period where Roosevelt was inching the nation toward war. At that time, Germany was still a very real threat to invade and conquer the British Isles, an event far more serious than the fall of the rest of Europe. No one in America at that time knew that Germany simply could not launch an invasion. One point he used as justification was that it took the US and Britain many years to complete the build up so that the cross channel invasion could be launched. While true it also misses the point. When the allies carried out the D-Day invasion, it was against a well-equipped enemy with years to prepare set defenses. After Dunkirk, there were many soldiers in Britain but they had almost no equipment or set defenses. Had the Germans been able to establish a solid beachhead, there really was very little to stop them.
Russett also seems to ignore the long-term dangers. If Japan had been able to execute their real plan, which was to control the resources of Indochina and the Dutch West Indies, the long-term consequences to the U.S. would have been severe. Japan would have controlled a strategic set of resources that would have made them a superpower, and given their militaristic nature at that time, a continuing threat to expand. The fall of the Phillipines into that set would have also been inevitable as they simply could not have been defended.
The same neglect also applies to the threat of Germany. Even if you ignore the appalling nature of the regime, a Europe controlled by Germany from Gibralter to the Soviet border would have been the most powerful "nation" in the world. At the time of Roosevelt's moves no one understood the power of resistance movements and he could only see a powerful empire that would be expansionist and ideologically incompatible with the United States. One only has to look at how the Soviet Union ruthlessly exploited the nations of Eastern Europe after the war to understand how valuable an asset they were.
Finally, Russett argues that the global power of the United States was not significantly altered by participation in the war. Which is nonsense. Before the war, Britain was the only global superpower and after it ended, the United States filled that role. Granted, it thrust the U.S. into situations where military force was inappropriately applied, but that is different in that is the application of power rather than the existence.
The premise of this book is one that must be presented for the sake of historical completeness. While true if you suffer from a lack of extended thought, it simply does not hold up if you consider the situation as it appeared to Roosevelt in 1940 when he faced two mighty empires allied with each other.
Good revisionist account of pre-ww2 events.......1999-03-20
This is a very moderate book in regard to conjectures made by the author; Russett is not even an isolationist. He still points out very compelling reasons why US entry was forced by bad choices made by American leaders.
Book Description
As the Second World War drew to a close, European borders were being redrawn. The regions of Istria, Dalmatia, and Venezia Giulia, nominally Italian but at various times also belonging to Austria and Germany, fell under the rule of Yugoslavia and its dictator Marshal Tito. The ensuing removal and genocide of Italians from these regions had been little explored or even discussed until 1999, when the esteemed Italian journalist Arrigo Petacco wrote L'esodo: La tragedia negata degli italiani d'Istria, Dalmazia e Venezia Giulia. Now this story is available in English as A Tragedy Revealed.
Petacco explains the history of the regions and how they were shifted between empires for centuries. The greater part of the story however details the genocidal program of the Yugoslav Communist government toward the native Italians in the regions. Based on previously unavailable archival documents and oral accounts from people who were there, Petacco reveals the events and exposes the Italian governmentÂ's mishandling Â- and then official silence on Â- the situation. This is a riveting work on a little-known, tragic event written by one of ItalyÂ's most highly regarded journalists.
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From Abortion to Contraception: A Resource to Public Policies and Reproductive Behavior in Central and Eastern Europe from 1917 to the Present
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ASIN: 0313305870 |
Book Description
Within an interdisciplinary context of public health, reproductive health, and women's rights, this book chronicles the interaction of public policies and private reproductive behavior in the 28 formerly socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the USSR successor states from 1917 to the present. Focusing on the interaction of public policies and private behaviors, special emphasis is placed on the status of women--from producers of labor to reproducers of families. Consideration is given to societal values and traditions, Marxist theory, socialist and patriarchal perceptions of gender roles, status of women, changes in legislation facilitating or constraining access to modern contraceptives and abortion, pronatalist influences on demographic trends, attitudes of public health service providers, views on sex education, adolescent sexual behavior, and emerging roles of public services and nongovernmental organizations. Included are notes on key developments in the USSR successor states in Europe and in Asia, a discussion of the societal effects of post-socialist transitions from central planning to market economies, and commentaries on the changing emphasis from demographic aspects to reproductive and sexual health, postabortion psychological responses, and the activities of antiabortion-oriented religious organizations. To the extent available, statistical data tabulated include live birth, legally induced abortions, birth rates, legal abortion rates, legal abortion ratios, and total fertility rates. Over 1250 references are listed.
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The Exoneration of the "Black Hand," 1917-1953
David MacKenzie
Manufacturer: East European Monographs
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Nationalism
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ASIN: 0880334142 |
Book Description
This is an absorbing and dramatic story that provides much information about interwar royal Yugoslavia, its collapse, and the debate as to whether the Serbian patriotic society or "Black Hand" was a nationalist organization or a group of traitors. The third and final installment of MacKenzie's "Black Hand" trilogy, this book begins with the legacy of the Salonika Trail of 1917 in which Colonel Dimitrijevic-Apis and his "Black Hand" colleagues were convicted of treason in a staged trial and three were executed. Agitation for amnesty and a retrial followed but the latter was not granted until more than thirty years later when the government once again changed hands.
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